July 1, 1915.] 



THE INDIA RUBBER WORLD 



573 



should sterling prices drop farther, the Amazon is now in con- 

 dition to face the situation and to cheapen and increase produc- 

 tion still more. The initial steps have proved entirely successful. 

 And "as there is a vast forestal reserve of Hevea at hand all over 

 the country — only 5 to 10 per cent, of which is being explored 

 at present — there is no reason why Amazonian production of Up- 

 river Fine should not go on increasing, no matter what the price 

 of plantation rubber will be." 



The foregoing data refer only to Hevea rubber. The total ex- 

 ports from Manaos, including the Castilloa product known as 

 caucho and caucho balls, show a deficit of about 2,400 toi 

 the nine months of the crop, owing to the decrease of about 2,600 

 tons in the output of the latter description, which is almost ex- 

 clusively produced on the headwaters of the rivers, the work 

 being chiefly done by Peruvians. In an increase of production 

 of this quality Amazonians have but a secondary interest, the more 

 so as this industry requires a nomadic population, which does not 

 contribute to the settling and populating of the country as does 

 the Hevea industry. 



THE RUBBER CRISIS IN BOLIVIA. 



' I "HE rubber situation in Bolivia has been treated very thor- 

 * oughly in this publication, but it is always interesting to 

 note how conditions appear to new observers, especially to ex- 

 perienced travelers. The Scandinavian explorer, Nordenskjold, 

 paid a recent visit to that country, and the results of his ex- 

 plorations and the conclusions at which he arrived are briefly- 

 given in the following paragraphs : 



Since 1880 rubber has been the principal source of wealth 

 in northeastern Bolivia, just as it is the principal article' of trade 

 in large districts of Brazil and Peru. Bolivia's rubber forests 

 lie on the banks of the Rio Beni, the Rio Madre de Dios, the 

 Rio Abuna and the Rio Guapore. All the rubber gathered in 

 this district is taken by boat or steamer to such centers as 

 Riberalta and Villa Bella, where it is marketed and shipped 

 either to Europe or to North America. Rubber merchants con- 

 duct their dealings with rubber gatherers on an exchange trade 

 basis, food, spirits, wines, firearms, phonographs and the like 

 being given in exchange tor rubber. Rubber gatherers are 

 obliged to provide themselves with food in the market centers, 

 for in the rubber districts they cannot find sufficient supplies. 

 Labor has been a great problem for Bolivian rubber merchants, 

 and to obtain it they have often resorted to slave trade methods, 

 so few are willing to volunteer to penetrate the deep forests. 



Plantation rubber has become a severe competitor of South 

 American rubber, and the fall in rubber prices has brought this 

 Bolivian industry practically to a standstill. Many believe that 

 the history of Bolivian — and in fact all South American rubber — 

 will be a repetition of that of Peruvian bark. It was in 1820 that 

 two French explorers brought news of the qualities of this bark 

 and started the quinine trade. Asiatic plantations now supply 

 practically the whole of the world's demands for quinine and 

 South American districts where bark was formerly gathered for 

 quinine are now turned over to the monkeys and the jaguars. 



Many believe that Bolivia will have to turn to agriculture and 

 cattle raising as substitutes for its lost rubber trade. For this 

 better means of communication will have to be established, and 

 perhaps the Panama Canal will prove of considerable help in 

 this connection. 



These prophecies apply to a great extent to the Brazilian and 

 Peruvian rubber industries, as well as to that of Bolivia. In 

 other words, the South American rubber crisis is far-reaching in 

 its effects, and, should prices continue to fall after the war, 

 practically the whole population of the Amazon valleys will have 

 to seek new means of existence, and this certainly will not be an 

 easy matter. Xo doubt the struggle against plantation compe- 

 tition will be kept up to the last extremity largely at the expense 

 of the scringucros. 



PLANTATIONS OF HEVEA BRASILIENSIS. 



The area under Hevea in British Guiana in 1912-1913 was 2,800 

 acres, and during that year over 110,000 stumps were imported 

 from Ceylon ami Surinam, while 120.000 plants were raised from 

 imported from I <>lon and the Straits Settlements. 

 In Nyasaland, Krit^h Africa, when thi Africa Lakes Cor- 

 i I'd, has a plantation of about 100,000 llevca trees 

 from one to seven years old, the trees are reported to be about 

 two years behind those Ion in growth, but tapping ex- 



periments give very satisfactory results. 



BRITISH GUIANA EXPORTS. 



I iom January 1 to May 20 of the present year there were 

 i ted from British Guiana 730,536 pounds of balata and 

 82S pounds of rubber. In the same period of 1914 the balata ex- 

 ports amounted to 314,278 pounds, and no shipments of rubber 

 were made. Of the 1915 balata exports, 637,299 pounds was sent 

 to the United Kingdom and the balance, 92,257 pounds, to the 

 United States. 



EXPORTS OF RUBBER AND BALATA FROM PANAMA, 



The rubber and balata industry of the Republic of Panama 

 showed for 1914 (except for exports of balata from the City of 

 Panama) a considerable decrease as compared with the previous 

 year. The total exports of rubber from the isthmus republic 

 amounted in value to $10,770, against $19,116 in 1913. The ex- 

 ports of balata amounted to $94,822 as compared with $108,714 

 for the previous year. The decrease in the value of exports of 

 balata is attributed to the fall in the prices of this gum, which 

 amounted to about 40 per cent. In 1913 Panama balata brought 

 from 48 to 56 cents per pound, as compared with 30 cents per 

 pound, the average price in 1914. During 1914 the port of 

 Panama exported balata for the first time, these exports amount- 

 ing to $28,963. This was due to the fact that balata and its 

 development had never before received serious attention on the 

 Pacific coast of Panama, where its character and commercial 

 value were little known. All the exports of both rubber and 

 balata from the Republic of Panama were shipped to the United 

 States. 



COTTON IN ARGENTINA. 



Cotton is grown in many parts of Argentina, but especially 

 in the Chaco district. Argentine cotton has been exported chiefly 

 to Germany and Spain. In 1913, 1,540 bales were exported, and 

 in 1914, 1.219 bales. This, compared with 2,460 bales exported in 

 1912, shows that the Argentine cotton industry is retrograding. 



A Spanish capitalist recently applied to the Argentine Ministry 

 of Agriculture for 12.355 acres of land located in any part of 

 the cotton-growing zone at a reasonable price on easy terms of 

 payment, his purpose being to install a complete cotton mill of 

 12,000 spindles and 400 looms, to handle cotton from the raw 

 product to the finished article, including bleaching and dyeing 

 of the manufactured goods. This offer is receiving the con- 

 sideration of the Argentine government. 



TIRES IN ARGENTINA. 



In Buenos Aires, Argentina, where automobiles are used ex- 

 tensively and where the asphalt streets are frequently washed 

 and consequently are very slippery, a municipal decree compels 

 the use of a steel-shod tire on at least one rear wheel. A great 

 many of the automobiles seen on the streets of that city are 

 equipped with at least two such tires, and many, especially the 

 best, cars have all four tires of this type. The steel-shod tire is 

 also favored in the matter of tariff duties, the duty and inci- 

 dental charges on all-rubber tires being 50 cents gold per kilo. 

 [24.94 cents per pound], while that on the steel-shod tire is 42 

 cents gold per kilo. [18.38 cents per pound]. 



