ADAMS: THE CONTROL OF THE PURSE. 1 79 



question of much constitutional importance but simply as a conven- 

 ient subject upon which to base a compromise. Madison in an 

 explanatory note says of the situation, "Col. Mason, Mr. Gerry and 

 other members from large states set great value on the privilege of 

 originating money bills. Of this the members from the small states, 

 with some from the large states, who wished a high mounted govern- 

 ment, endeavored to avail themselves, by making that privilege the 

 price of arrangements in the constitution favorable to the small 

 states, and to the elevation of the government."* The proof that the 

 small states really cared nothing for the restriction as a constitutional 

 principle is found in the vote taken on August 8th. By that time it 

 had been decided that the states were to have equal representation in 

 the Senate, and this point once gained, the small states were by no 

 means so eager to support the provision restricting the origination of 

 money bills to the House. Madison had always been a consistent 

 opponent of such a measure and he now attempted to have the 

 convention revoke its previous decision. On the question of striking 

 out Art. IV, Sec. 5,t of the report of the committee on detail, the 

 vote stoodj New jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 

 ginia, South Carolina, Cxeorgia, Yes, 7. New Hampshire, Massachu- 

 setts, Connecticut, North Carolina, No, 4. This breach of faith on 

 the part of the small states, aroused the indignation of those dele- 

 gates from the large states who were earnest in their desire to see 

 the origination of money bills confined to the House of Representa- 

 tives. The next day, August 9, Randolph§ of Virginia said that if 

 Art. IV, Sec. 5, was not reinstated, he would oppose equality of votes 

 in the Senate, and in this he was followed by Gerry, Franklin and 

 others who had voted for the section in question. This brought on 

 a renewal of the debate in the course of which it was asserted that 

 the section as proposed would prevent the Senate from originating 

 any bill, which might in any way affect the treasury. In order to 

 overcome this objection, Randolph moved to amend by substituting 

 the following clause: "Bills for raising money for the purpose of 

 revenue, or for appropriating the same, shall originate in the House 

 of Representatives, and shall not be altered or amended by the Senate 

 so as to increase or- diminish the sum to be raised, or change the 

 mode of levying it or the object of its appropriation. "|| This 

 amendment was, it is true, a solution of the difficulty mentioned, but 

 at the same time it provided for just as great a restriction upon the 



♦Madison Papers, Vol. II, p. loOl. 



+The section providing for the origination of money bills by the House. 

 iMadison Papers, Vol. II, p. 1:267. 

 §. Madison Papers, Vol. Ill, p. V-^O. 

 1 Elliott's Debates, Vol. V. p. 4U. 



