ADAMS: THE CONTROL OF THE PURSE. iS'j 



duced in the Senate, was agreed to by the House, and was signed by 

 the President on May loth, 1800. It provided that "it shall be the 

 duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to digest, prepare and lay 

 before Congress at the beginning of each session, a report on the 

 subject of finance, containing estimates of the public revenue and the 

 public expenditure, and plans for improving or increasing the reve- 

 nues, from time to time, for the purpose of giving information to 

 Congress, in adopting modes of raising money requisite to meet the 

 public expenditures.*" By this law it became the duty of the Secre- 

 tary of the Treasury to furnish a report of the financial condition of 

 the government, upon which the committee of Ways and Means 

 would be able to base its plans for the budget of the year. The law 

 undoubtedly increased the power of Congress over money matters, 

 and this power was still further increased by the creation of a House 

 committee of Ways and Means, with well defined duties and privi- 

 leges. From this time on, the control of the Secretary of the Treas- 

 ury grew weaker and weaker, until finally the House, through the 

 committee of Ways and Means, became the sole judge of all kinds of 

 budgetary legislation. Occasionally there was a Secretary who, by 

 superior force of character, so imbued the house with a belief in his 

 ability to manage the finances that his plans were accepted almost 

 without question, but as a general rule the chairman of the Ways and 

 Means committee had far greater influence than the Secretary of the 

 Treasury, in the preparation of financial measures. 



The Secretary of the Treasury has, today, a great power over the 

 expenditure of money once that money has been appropriated by 

 Congress, but his ability to direct financial legislation is limited to 

 advice. This limitation was brought about by the action of the 

 House in the years from 1792 to 1800. The House had, then, early 

 recognized the necessity of watchfulness of the executive branch of 

 the government, but had not as yet been brought to fear any attack 

 upon its special privilege from the upper house of the legislature. 



///. Ttvcnty-second Congress, i8jj. Clays Tariff Bill. Senate 

 discussion on the question of the right of the Senate to originate 

 revenue bills. 



On February 12, 1833, Mr. Clay asked leave to introduce into the 

 Senate a bill "to modify the various acts imposing duties on im- 

 ports. "f The existing tariff law had proven very distasteful to the 

 southern states and also to some Senators from the northern states. 



* A peculiar fact in canuection with this hiw is that Gallatin, although heartily sympa- 

 thising with the purpose of the measure, voted and spol<e against it because lie consid- 

 ered that the Senate was in this case really originating a money bill and so violating th» 

 privilege of the House. 



tCong. Deb., Vol. IX. pt. 1. p. 462. 



