ADAMS: THE CO-NTKOL OF THE PURSE. igl 



tutionality. All that Mr. Clay said in favoring the acceptance of the 

 House bill was that "it would obviate the reasons for a longer 

 continuance of a laborious day's session of this body, and also super- 

 sede the objections of some Senators who believed the Senate was not 

 the proper place for the origin of this bill."* March ist the House 

 bill was passed by the Senate, f 



The most important feature of the debates in this Congress upon 

 the power of the Senate to originate the tariff measure is that a 

 majority of the members of the Senate did not think that the restric- 

 tion in favor of the House applied to the case in hand. For that 

 majority the argument of Mr. Clay was sufficient, namely that the bill 

 was not specifically a bill to raise revenue. The main reason why 

 the bill was not pressed in the Senate was a fear on the part of its, 

 author that it might be defeated at the last moment by some of those 

 who were opposed to it on grounds of unconstitutionality solely. 

 It was the better plan to deprive these gentlemen of their excuse for 

 voting against the bill. The fact that the Senate bill was withdrawn and 

 the House bill substituted was a fortunate outcome of the difficulty, but 

 it was not regarded as a precedent by later Senates. The House had 

 made no objection to the Senate's action because that action had not 

 come before it for consideration. The Senate had merely made'a 

 concession to some few of its own members. The question of its 

 right to originate revenue bills was not settled, and the method by 

 which it might claim the right by making a distinction between raising 

 revenue and reducing revenue had now been indicated and was later 

 to occasion a breach between the two branches of Congress. In one 

 other way also the debate had outlined the only method by which 

 this question could be settled. Mr. Webster had correctly interpreted 

 the situation when he said it was purely a question of privilege, and 

 the decision of it belonged alone to the House. When the House 

 should once decide the extent of its privilege the Senate would be 

 compelled to acquiesce in that decision. 



IV. Twcrity -fifth Congress, iSjy. Debate in the House on the Senate 

 bill to authorize the issue of Treasury notes. 



September 13, 1837, a bill;}; was reported to the Senate, authoi;^- 

 izing the issue of Treasury notes for certain purposes. In the dis- 

 cussion of this bill in the Senate, the possible impropriety of its 

 originating there was not mentioned, and on September 18 the bill 

 was passed § and sent to the House. September 30, in committee of 



*Cong. Deb., Vol. IX, pt. I, pp. 749-50. 



tlbld, p. 809. 



t Ibid., Vol. XIV.. pt. I, p. 9. 



J Ibid., p. 75. 



