196 KANSAS UNIVERSITY QUARTERLY. 



read, by its letter forbids the Senate from originating appropriation 

 bills; its letter clearly concedes it, and I concede also that there is 

 an argument to be drawn from the fact that the convention discussed 

 the proposition in both its shapes, and finally adopted the one which we 

 now find, in which the limitation is applied only to bills originating 

 revenue, that the convention may have considered that appropriation 

 bills might be originated in the Senate. But against this argument is 

 one which seems to me perfectly conclusive, and it is this reply: What- 

 ever the convention may have purposed * * * the fact is a stubborn 

 one, that the Senate has never originated an ai)propriation bill, but 

 that it has always conceded to the House of Representatives the 

 origination of appropriation bills: and the House of Representatives 

 has never conceded to the Senate the right to originate such bills, but 

 has always insisted upon and exacted that right itself. This could 

 not have been accidental; it was therefore designed. The design 

 and purpose were those of the contemporaries of the constitution 

 themselves, and it evinces their understanding of the subject, which 

 was that bills of a general nature for appropriating public money, or for 

 laying raxes or burdens on the people, tiirect or indirect in their 

 operation, belonged to the province of the House of Representatives."* 

 Mr. Seward also pointed out that even if the Senate did adopt the 

 resolution, it would be impossible for the finance committee to 

 follow directions witli success unless, what was highly improbable, 

 the House of Representatives should give its consent. The argu- 

 ment of Mr. Seward includes about all of the points made against the 

 resolution. The only new argument in its support was the peculiar 

 one offered by Mr. Hunter,f that as the membership of the House 

 increased bills would be more liable to be detained there, so that the 

 supreme power would be likely to pass into the hands of the Execu- 

 tive, and that for this reason the Senate should originate appropria- 

 tion bills, in order that the legislature migiit retain its accustomed 

 power. 



Both sides, however, seemed afraid to touch upon the real question 

 at issue, whether the Senate should be allowed to increase its power 

 at a time when the Senate and the House were on the point of differ- 

 ing as to the policy of the government. Tne great question of the 

 day was with regard to the Nebraska- Kansas trouble. A very slight 

 majority of the House was in favor of the Free Soil party in Kansas, 

 while a large majority in the Senate favored the slavery party. The 

 desire of the Senate to originate appropriation bills was looked upon 

 as an attempt on the part of the friends of the South to compensate 



♦Cong. Globe, 1855-56, pt. I, pp. 375-6. 

 +lbld.,pp. 377-8, 



