ADAMS: THE CONTROL OF THE PURSE. I97 



themselves for a loss of influence in the House. Although none of 

 the speeches boldly stated this to be the real question at issue, yet 

 various members of the minority, broadly hinted that they understood 

 perfectly the plan of their political opponents. Mr. Sumner* said: 

 "Mr. President, it is a received maxim that it is the part of a good 

 judge to amplify his jurisdiction; but it will hardly be accepted that 

 it is the part of the American Senate to amplify its powers, particu- 

 larly in derogation of the popular branch. And it surely cannot 

 escape observation that the present effort is launched at a moment 

 when the popular branch promises to differ from the Senate on 

 important questions of national policy." In the same vein Mr. 

 Wilsonf said: "Now Sir, we are called upon at this time to depart 

 from that practice, and permit me to say that the time is not well 

 chosen. The public voice of the country will say that, at this 

 juncture, in the peculiar position of affairs in the House of Repre- 

 sentatives and in the country, the Senate of the United States is 

 extending its powers and its influence in the government of the country 

 at the expense of the popular brancli of the government." 



In spite of the persistent opposition of a compact minority, the 

 the resolution was passed. But although the Senate might resolve 

 that It had the constitutional right to originate appropriation bills, it 

 soon found that Mr. Seward was right when he said that such a 

 resolution would be useless if the House should refuse to comply 

 with its demands. In accordance with the resolution the committee 

 prepared general appropriation bills on the subjects of invalid pen- 

 sions and the repairs of fortifications. Both these bills passed the 

 Senate and were sent to the House, but were laid upon the table by 

 that body without being referred to any committee, and without 

 debate, April 17, 1856. This was the method by which the House 

 indicated that it had no intention of permitting the Senate to usurp 

 its powers. Thus was established a principle which it is not at all 

 certain was intended by the framers of the constitution. One definite 

 attempt upon the part of the Senate to secure the privilege claimed 

 was practically all that was necessary to settle this question; while in 

 the case of the definite provision of the constitution there had already 

 been several debates and there was yet to be discussion as to the 

 exact meaning of a word. 



*Coiig. Globe, 1855-56, pt. I, p. 380. 

 +Ibia.. p. 381 



