226 KANSAS UNIVERSITY QUARTERLY. 



to the nation. Free trade, protection, pensions, internal improve- 

 ments, expenditures in the various tlepartments, are all (juestions of 

 budgetary legislation, and are all considered by the intelligent voter 

 before he casts his ballot for President. In this way the budget 

 undoubtedly has an influence upon politics, but on the other hand, 

 politics do not have any marked influence upon the budget. Under 

 our form of congressional autocracy, the vote of the people has not 

 the influence which it should have upon bugetary legislation, or in 

 fact upon legislation of any sort. 



It is impossible then for the people to fix any effective responsibil- 

 ity for the use of the public money by means either of the district 

 election of representatives, or of the national election of a President. 

 The President has not the power of the purse and ought not to be 

 held responsible. The Speaker of the House and his committeemen 

 do have the power of the jjurse and cannot be held responsible untier 

 the existing forms.* It was the central thought of the framers of the 

 constitution that there should be a division of jiower and a conse- 

 quent division of responsibility, thus obviating the dangers of cen- 

 tralization. But the history of ours and other nations proves that 

 such a division of power is practically impossible for any length of 

 time. Sooner or later some branch of government gains a power 

 almost if not cjuite supreme. In the United States it is Congress 

 which has become the supreme power, and the Speaker of the House 

 who is its exponent. While the constitution intended a division of 

 power and a division of responsibility, the government which has 

 sprung from it is one in which power has been concentrated in the 

 hands of Congress, while the resjjonsibiiity is still divided. 



Under these conditions it is natural that the public mind has come 

 to recognize something alarming in the spectacle of such unlimited 

 power with such limited responsibility, and to call for reform of some 

 sort by which this trend of constitutional development may be 

 arrested. In this case, proposed remedies cannot be limited to the 

 improvement of budgetary conditions merely, but must include the 

 securing of an effective responsibility for all congressional action. 

 Many such reforms have been suggested, some of them aiming only 

 at improved financial methods, and some of a wider significance. 

 The first suggestion is that the various financial committees be united. 



*Aquotatiim from Wilson's " Congressional Government, "' pp 331-2. empha.size.s this 

 statement: •■ 'i'he averajje citizen may be excused for esteeming government at best but 

 a hapliazar.l affair, npou which his vote ami all of his influence can have but little effect. 

 How is his choice .if a representative in Congress to affect the policy of the country as 

 regards the questions in which he is must interesleil. if the man f<jr whom he votes has 

 no chance of getting on the Stamling t'ommittee which has virtual charge of those <jues- 

 tions'r How is it to make any iliffenuce who is chosen Presiilenfr Has the President 

 any very great authority in matters of vital policy? It seems almost a thing of despair 

 to get any assiu'ance that any vote he may cast will ev<'n in an intinitesimal degree affect 

 the essential courses of admiuistratiou." 



