The Admirable Crichton. lU'J 



them, but they by men. For what can be found more beautiful m 

 a State, or what more splendid, than that all, as in heaven itself, 

 should observe one and the same rule of life — so that neither 

 ambition, nor power, nor pride of race, nor the corruption of 

 riches, can suffice to profane or to invade the Republic ? What 

 if the laws of this State, as of those other States, had been the 

 fabrication of human dreams ? Surely it would not have resulted 

 in the tranquillity which it enjoys, but in such tumults, wars, sedi- 

 tions, and conspiracies of the citizens as occur in other regions, in 

 which the princes seem to distinguish themselves from private 

 men, not by wisdom and consideration, alas ! but by luxury and 

 effeminacy. In this State, however, where princes are not born 

 but are elected by the votes of die citizens, the Prince, by the 

 very manner in which he has been preferred to the guardianship 

 of the Republic, has been adjudged by public suffrage to be 

 eminently worthy. Neither is it possible in his case for that to 

 happen which for the most part is accustomed to overthrow and 

 corrupt the minds of rulers — not sordidness, I say, not the 

 despotic and most cruel rule by tyrants which was for a long 

 time so hateful to the Roman people — Tarquin, to wit, who 

 brutally and insolently trampled on the liberty of that Republic, 

 as Dionysius, surnamed the Tyrant, did on that of the Sicilians, 

 and very many others, such as Apollodorus and Alexander, who 

 by force of arms oppressed great cities and States, and by 

 abominable and impious customs depraved the minds of the 

 citizens — such a plague as this, I say, has not even approached 

 your splendidly-adorned Republic. But, again, most illustrious 

 citizens, peacefully carrying on your affairs under the most be- 

 nignant of rulers, and, as it were, the witnesses of the calamities 

 of your neighbours and the judges of perils external to your- 

 selves, whilst enjoying a settled life, observe its vicissitudes 

 according to the privilege of those persons who from the lower 

 benches or some more lofty position behold the combats, the 

 sweatings, and even the blood of the gladiators, without the 

 slightest apprehension for their own safety. What other prin- 

 ciple can there be unless that arising from the sanctity of the 

 laws and from the solicitude and diligence of wise rulers, on 

 which the administration of a perfect State is seen to depend ? 

 But if I were to linger on all vour laws or on the most 



