41 
of the 28 large towns in the United Kingdom for the past ten 
years, had amounted to 162 per thousand of the children born. 
In Burnley, for the past ten years, 212} children died per 
thousand born before they were one year oid, and last year 214 
died out of every thousand born. He (Alderman Greenwood) 
had long been of opinion that the death rate in Burnley was not 
a sanitary question but a domestic one. Then again he saw 
from the same evidence given before the Commission, that 
barmaids, of whom there were 80,000 in the country, worked on 
the average over 100 hours per week against 56} in the textile 
trade, and their average wage was not more than 10s. per week, 
while they were compelled to stand the whole of the time, thus 
becoming emaciated and their health breaking down. He also 
thought that children ought not to begin work until they were 
twelve years of age, and the operatives missed a grand opportunity 
when they did not fall in with the proposal that the age should 
be raised to twelve. Parliamentary interference was necessary 
where men were engaged in unhealthy and dangerous occupa- 
tions, such as, for instance, some of the chemical trades. To 
some extent mining was a dangerous occupation, but not so 
dangerous as some of the chemical industries. Their (the 
miners’) conditions were perhaps somewhat more disagreeable 
than otherwise, and even the miners themselves disagreed upon 
the eight hours’ proposals. Upon enquiry he had found that 
the coalowners, even in Burnley, had very great competition to 
meet, and some of the mines would have to be closed if a 
universal eight hours’ working day were adopted. He thought, 
however, that the colliers were able to determine the question 
for themselves, and they were quite strong enough in their 
unions to get what was necessary. He (Alderman Greenwood) 
also thought that Parliament might interfere in the case of 
signalmen and enginemen on the railway. Further than he had 
stated he would not be prepared to go, as more interference 
would result in very serious consequences to the trade and 
commerce of the country. Proceeding to speak of some of the 
difficulties with which they were confronted, he said that he 
would look at the cotton trade. To his astonishment the 
question of reducing the hours of labour in the textile industry — 
had only become a burning one within the last three months, 
and he proceeded to quote the names of trades unionist leaders 
- who gave evidence before the Royal Commission to the effect 
that a reduction of hours in the textile industries would be very 
bad to the trade of the country. They ought to show that the 
hours were detrimental physically to the people engaged ; that 
they were somewhat demoralised, and that their intellectual 
faculties were not developed as they ought to be. If that could 
be shown, then they would be justified in interfering with the 
