Gulick: An Immigration Policy 
be based on race pride, disdain and 
selfishness? Shall it be entirely devoid 
of sympathy? And shall we rely on 
brute force for carrying it through? Or 
shall we give justice, courtesy and a 
square deal, refusing to be stamped by 
ignorance, ill-founded suspicion and 
falsehood? Shall we ‘“‘ prepare’”’ to main- 
tain by our military might a policy of 
arrogant disregard of their needs and 
feelings, or shall we remove dangers of 
conflict by a policy of friendly con- 
sideration and genuine helpfulness? 
The new Orient renders obsolete and 
dangerous our nineteenth century Asi- 
atic policy. Let us now promptly 
adopt a new policy—one that will pro- 
vide, on the one hand, for the just 
demands of the Pacific Coast States to 
be protected from a swamping Asiatic 
immigration; and yet that also pro- 
vides on the other hand for full cour- 
tesy of treatment and for complete 
freedom from race discrimination which 
is inevitably regarded as humiliating. 
The new policy should provide for 
observance of the spirit no less than of 
the wording of our treaties, and be thus 
in harmony with the principles of good 
neighborliness. 
THE NEW IMMIGRATION POLICY 
All this means that we need compre- 
hensive immigration legislation dealing 
with the entire question in such a way 
as to conserve American institutions, 
protect American labor from dangerous 
economic competition, and promote 
intelligent and enduring friendliness 
between America and all the nations, 
east and west, because free from 
differential race treatment. 
Restriction of immigration has been 
widely demanded in recent years. Three 
times Congress has passed a literacy 
test immigration bill. Three times has 
it been vetoed. But even if it became 
law, would it suitably and adequately 
regulate immigration? Would it avail 
in maintaining a wholesome proportion 
between the aliens and the naturalized? 
Moreover, a literacy test law could not 
wisely be applied to Asiatics, for it 
would admit millions. 
Do we not now need legislation, 
limiting immigration on a numerical 
547 
basis? Should not the annual immi- 
gration be adapted to our economic 
conditions? And should not that limi- 
tation deal equally with all races? 
Should not our immigration legislation, 
moreover, also provide for the rapid 
education and Americanization of those 
who are admitted? 
Such a policy and program consti- 
tutes one of the pressing needs of the 
times. Quite as important as military 
““preparedness’’ to resist attack is 
diplomatic and legislative ‘‘prepared- 
ness’’ to reduce tension and promote 
international friendship. 
The following paragraphs present in 
barest outlines a constructive program 
for comprehensive immigration legis- 
lation: 
1. The Control of Immigration. 
Immigration from every land should 
be controlled, and, if excessive, it should 
be restricted. The principle of re- 
striction should be applied equally to 
every land, and thus avoid differential 
race treatment. 
2. Americanization the Principle 
of Control. 
The proved capacity for genuine 
Americanization on the part of those 
already here from any land should be 
the measure for the further immigra- 
tion of that people. Newcomers make 
their first contact with America through 
those who speak their own language. 
The Americanization, therefore, of new- 
comers from any land depends largely 
on the influence of those already here 
from that land. The number of new- 
comers annually admissible from any 
land, therefore, should be closely de- 
pendent on the number of those from 
that land who, having been here five 
years or more, have actually become 
American citizens. These know the 
language, customs and ideals of both 
peoples, ours and theirs. 
America should admit as immigrants 
only so many aliens from any land as 
she can Americanize. 
3. The Proposed Restriction Law. 
Let, therefore, an immigration law be 
passed which provides that the maxi- 
