300 
religion, Greek in either case, transfers 
its allegiance from the heretic exarch in 
Sofia, to the orthodox patriarch in 
Athens. The theory is that Bulgarians 
in Macedonia are really Serbians per- 
verted by their environment. 
These harsh and often terribly brutal 
operations in Serbia and Greece result 
from the unchecked operations of the 
military element. The soldier, as such, 
considers neither economic conditions 
nor the soul of man. It was claimed 
that the two wise ministers Pashitch 
in Belgrade and Venizelos in Athens were 
both opposed to the policy of repression. 
Both would, if they could, have pro- 
claimed religious linguistic tolerance in 
those parts of Macedonia turned over to 
them by the Treaty of Bucharest. But 
the fact of victory, and especially victory 
over their sister state, Bulgaria, intoxi- 
cates the military, and fills the mob 
with the “east wind.” In such times 
the civil authority cannot hold its own 
against the military. 
Bulgaria, being on the defeated side, 
recognizes better the value of tolerance. 
A Greek church and school stand un- 
disturbed in Sofia. In the Bulgarian 
national assembly there are about a 
dozen Turkish deputies, representing 
Thrace. These Turks, supporters all 
of the King, hold the balance of power 
against the combined Democrats and 
Socialists, the group opposed to all war. 
The spirit of hate is still very strong 
among the people of Bulgaria. They 
hate Rumania, as the robber-state who 
has done them the most harm. They 
hate Greece and Serbia, but they cannot 
fight them, and the broad-minded among 
them recognize that when Bulgaria is 
strong enough to fight, she will be able 
to carry her points in some better way 
than by war. 
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM JOURNAL 
In the crisis of the early part of 
1915, the upper classes of Bulgaria were 
strongly on the side of Germany. They 
hate Russia, believing (perhaps on 
insufficient evidence, for the Russian 
government had given them fair warn- 
ing) that Russia had betrayed and 
abandoned them in the Treaty of 
London. 
The common people do not want any 
more war, and they have a very high 
respect for England. Bulgaria has 
250,000 soldiers, but very little in the 
way of arms. She is not sure what her 
army would do if it were called together. 
She does not care much for the rest of 
the world, but her heart is fixed on 
Macedonia and Dobrudja, for these were 
mainly Bulgarian, before the Bulgarian 
people were driven away. The public 
in Bulgaria expects the nation to go 
into the war somewhere. If it does so, 
it will fight for the group that promises 
the return of the lost provinces. De- 
mands for war and for neutrality 
fluctuate with each movement of the 
Russian troops in the Carpathians. 
Meanwhile, the old days have come back 
to Macedonia. Outlaw bands of dis- 
couraged farmers harass the Serbians 
and the Greeks as formerly they har- 
assed the Turks, from Monastir to 
Kavala. And the farmer still goes out 
furtively from his half-burned village 
to gather in his crops as he can or he 
dares. 
There can never be settled quiet in 
the near East, until the “Balkans be- 
long to the Balkans,” until civil author- 
ity everywhere dominates the military 
and until customs unions and other 
unions cause these people to realize 
that one fate befalls them all and that 
the welfare of each state is bound up in 
that of its neighbor. 
