300 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. [ Vor. Til. 
has developed fairly and very lucidly the national character of the controversy. His 
report on the Upper Province is generally denounced here as a distortion or misrepre- 
sentation of facts and therefore, of course, replete with false inferences; and there is a 
flippant superficiality in its style which contrasts strongly and very disadvantageously 
with the account of Lower Canada—the two productions are evidently from very dif- 
ferent pens. 
‘‘From what we can learn, they have resolved at home upon a legislative regenera- 
tion of the Canadas of which “A Union” is to be the basis. I doubt the efficacy of 
the proposed panacea if the maintenance of the British connection is the-real and 
honest object of the Ministers—if there is no republican arriére pensée—no paving of 
the declivity of revolution—of which I am sure there is a great deal. And even then, 
however dishonest and deceitful the policy, a statesmanlike view of the same end 
would rather have aimed at it through a Legislative Union of the whole Pritish North 
Amer can Provinces. Admitting the impossibility or inexpediency of maintaining the 
connection between us and the Mother Country, and that all parties acquiesced in the 
necessity of a separation, I should say (private feelings apart) that the true policy of 
England, her interest and her duty would be to unite her American Provinces, elevate 
them collectively to the rank of an independent people—create an antagonistic Re- 
public on the North American Continent, and make the United Provinces redress the 
preponderance of the United States. Institutions of a republican character would 
bribe the disaffected and discontented, while the legislative form of general govern- 
ment aided by such additional restrictions as Great Britain, in conferring a constitu- 
tion, might very easily impose, would ensure such strength to the executive and con- 
sequent security to property as can never be expected under the jealous limitations 
and circumscribed power of a Federative Constitution. Such a republic established 
in these colonies under the immediate protection of Great Britain, receiving from her 
all the benefits they at present derive and returning the same —relieving her 
from the expense of garrisoning and governing and yet acting as an outlet for her 
superabundant population and increasing manufactures, would, ¢he necessity of such 
separation once satisfactorily established, possibly prove as good a scheme as any— 
certainly better, immeasureably better than a simple Union of Upper and Lower 
Canada.” 
In 1839 the British Government, having determined upon the advisa 
bility of uniting the two Canadas, sent out as Governor General the 
Right Hon. Charles Poulett Thompson (afterwards Biron Sydenham & 
Toronto), a noted merchant, who was in 1834 President’ of the Board of 
Trade. Owing to his connection with the Baltic timber business, he was 
at first regarded with suspicion in Canada, but shortly became very 
popular. Says Mr. Coffin, writing from his retreat at Sainte Marie 
(Sept. 23rd, 1839). 
“That Poulett Thompson, the avowed enemy of the Canadian merchant, should be 
the man, would be incredible, if any extravagant or incomprehensible project in her 
Majesty’s Ministers could be a just ground for incredulity. I would almost wager that 
if he does come out, Sir John Colborne will return to Canada. In the course of a few 
months confusion will be thrice confounded. Poulett ‘| hompson will follow the herd 
of incapables that has preceeded him, and ministers on their marrow-bones will pray 
Sir John to return to save them—if he can.” 
