TRANSACTIONS OF THE SECTIONS. 101 



Exhibition, he had been unable to get them out for the purpose of producing them 

 to the Section. 



The leading point which he had established for France was, that the common 

 opinion respecting the intimate connection between mere instruction and the absence 

 of crime in particular districts, when compared, was mistaken. The facts on which 

 the calculations in the English maps were founded were taken from the tables drawn 

 lip by Mr. Redgrave of the Home Office, for all the time that had been collected. 

 Each map was constructed to show the prevalence in each county of England of a 

 particular crime or class of crime, such as murder, manslaughter, arson, larceny by 

 servants, offences against the game laws, bigamy, &c. As to bigamy, there was a most 

 remarkable difference between England and France, that crime appearing to be much 

 more prevalent in England. He accounted for this circumstance by the difference 

 in the forms of marriage required by law, which afforded much greater facilities for 

 tracing personal identity in France than in England. 



The English maps were constructed to the degrees of criminality as measured by 

 the average number of the accused for the whole period of sixteen years, as compared 

 with the average population, as ascertained by the three censuses of 1821, 1831 and 

 1841. 



Besides the maps, he showed a series of tables exhibiting, by curved lines for each 

 county, the degrees of positive and negative criminality corresponding with the 

 coloured maps. 



As to the French maps, there were one or two points which he was anxious to 

 notice. The geographical distribution of instruction among all the young men of 20 

 years of age in France was easily observed, in consequence of the mode used for 

 selecting the soldiers for the French armies. He had analysed the returns made of 

 these young men by the prefects of France to the Minister of War for 22 years 

 'ending 1849, and the result as to parallelism of distribntion of mere instruction and 

 absence of crime which he had stated 17 years ago in his work on the ' Moral Sta- 

 tistics of France,' was fully borne out. 



This second analysis had established another interesting result, that the progress 

 in the amount of instruction in each department of France, instead of being in the 

 districts where most wanted, had on the contrary been, with singular regularity, in 

 the districts where the greatest instruction had previously prevailed. 



On the Prospects of the Beet- Sugar Manufacture in the United Kingdom, 

 By Professor W. Neilson Hancock, LL.D. 



Public attention had been directed to this manufacture by the efforts to establish 

 a public company in London for its introduction into Ireland. The Professor had 

 learned that at Maldon the manufacture had been attempted by a private company, 

 but this attempt led to failure in a short time. A manufactory had very recently been 

 established at Chelmsford, and contracts had been entered into with the farmers in 

 that neighbourhood. The prospects of the manufacture depended on the answers 

 to three questions : — 1st. What was the price of beet-root likely to be for a series 

 of years? 2nd. What was the price of refined beet-sugar likely to be after 1854? 

 and 3rd, Would it be profitable to carry on the manufacture at these probable prices 

 of the raw produce and manufactured article ? 



As to the price of beet- root, its price varied in France from an average of 13s. \\d. 

 per ton in the north-east of France, to 18s. 5d. per ton in the north-west of France. 

 The average for the whole of France was \bs.\\d. per ton. In Ireland the price stated 

 to be contracted for by the sugar beet company was 15*, Qd. per ton, and the price 

 at Essex was from 18s. to 20*. per ton. Thus it appeared that the present price in 

 Ireland was higher than the average of France, and the present price in England 

 was higher than the average of the highest-priced districts of France. What the 

 future price in Ireland and England was likely to be, was a difficult question, and 

 had not been as yet fully investigated. 



As to the second question, the price of refined beet-sugar after 1854, it was 

 necessary to take the year 1854, because at present there was a differential duty in 

 favour of home-grown beet-sugar, which would diminish each year, and cease after 

 July 1854. After that time the short price of refined beet-sugar would most 



