1824.] 
alike pronounce that where there is 
neither justice nor humanity in any 
specific claim or holding, there can be 
no property. 
There are four distinct species of 
property vested, it is said, in the West- 
Indian planter—his estate, the build- 
ings erected npon it, the utensils and 
stock engaged, and the slaves employed 
in the cultivation. The three first are 
protected by the universal consent of 
society. Our question is only about 
the last: and it is a question of right as 
to its foundations. To prove that the 
law never had a right to create or sanc- 
tion such a property. Have individuals 
a right to become wiser and better by 
experience; and is the law of necessity 
condemned to remain stationary in ig- 
norance and error? If it was wicked, 
oppressive, tyrannous, and murderous 
two centuries, must it continue still in 
spite of conviction of its own enormity, 
wickedly to oppress, to tyrannise, and 
murder? Man, individual man, if he 
hath done a wrong, is not only permit- 
ted, but called upon, when the wrong is 
demonstrated, to make reparation ; or if 
this be impossible, at least to relinquish 
for the future his wrongful course. 
Hath the law no such privilege or duty ? 
But to insist that the emancipation of 
the slaves, would be robbing the owner 
of his property, is certainly a wrong 
conclusion, Why has he purchased 
them ?—to secure a succession of la- 
bour; but if this succession of labour 
could be equally or even better secured 
to him by some other means, where 
would be the injustice of compelling 
him to relinquish a claim which violates 
every principle of honour and_hu- 
manity 2 Suppose one estate to re- 
quire twenty slaves to keep it in full trim, 
another ten, and another five; and that 
these numbers were in the exact pro- 
portion to the extent of the lands so 
occupied ; the owners are answerable to 
the laws of nature and to their country 
for providing them with lodgings, food, 
and raiment, as long as they live, whe- 
ther capable of labour or not. Where 
then can be the difference which should 
create such consternation and alarm; 
if, instead of paying them in produce, 
and confining them to a certain spot, 
and to a certain master, they were to 
be paid in money, and left to their own 
choice as to their employers? This is 
the sum and substance of the dilem- 
ma; for if all were emancipated to-day, 
they must seek employment to-morrow. 
They may revel with delight in burying 
On the Abolition of Slavery. 
415 
their shackles, but a few short hours 
must terminate their delirium of joy, 
and the next diurnal appearance of the 
sun must witness their return to volun- 
tary labour, or they must sink in dis- 
tress and famine. There can be no 
other alternative. The planters who 
were known to have been kind to their 
slaves would, of course, have the first 
choice of the free labourers; while 
others of a different character and repu- 
tation, would feel the necessity for more 
attention to the comfort and well-being 
of their dependants. If some addition 
must necessarily be made to the ex- 
penses of the maintenance of freemen 
instead of slaves, would not the in- 
creased quantity of voluntary labour be 
more than equivalent to the sacrifice? 
Were nothing at stake but the policy 
of the thing, what should we expect 
from the management of that man who 
should prefer the sluggish and forced 
application of hopeless servitude to the 
cheerful toil of grateful independence ? 
To assert that no difficulties exist, or 
that what there may be are few and 
trivial; would be to betray no small 
degree of ignorant presumption; but to 
admit them to the extent which has 
been so confidently assumed, argues no 
less weakness, or culpable inattention. 
So much for the injustice so clamour- 
ously alleged against the manumission 
of the present race of slaves. Let us 
next inquire as to the safety of the 
measure of a gradual but complete abo- 
lition. In all societies of mankind, the 
immense majority must ever consist of 
the labouring classes ; no improvements 
in the arts of civilization will ever 
enable the many to subsist in a state of 
idleness ; and while the few are enjoy- 
ing the full benefit of their own arti- 
ficial arrangements, it is their interest 
as well as their duty to endeavour to 
make the mass comfortable and satisfied 
with their allotment. This principle 
will apply under every climate, and 
every form of government. Perhaps it 
would be too much to say that no po- 
pular insurrection ever took place but 
what was provoked by injustice or op- 
pression: but assuredly it never was 
general or formidable where there was 
no such provocation. Remove then the 
cause if you wish the effect to cease; 
and if you would ensure the safety of 
the whites, where the black population 
is so imminently superior in numbers, 
resort to kindness, and renounce op- 
pression. Let it be remembered that 
resentment is nearly akin to the best 
affections 
