1816.] 



Speech of Mr. Henry Schvltes. 



S67 



only impnke was amor celeratus habendi, 

 or, the cursed thirst for power. — Amnug 

 this oligarchy were to be found Uie princi- 

 pal advocates for standing armies, and for 

 every part of that system of which the coun- 

 try complained. But the people them- 

 selves were nuich to blame for the preva- 

 lence of that system. For they had looked 

 on as it they were spell-slruck at the ca- 

 reer of the oligarchy, without any niaterial 

 interference or attempt to resist its course. 

 Hence, perhaps, the standing avmy had 

 become so enormous as to threaten the se- 

 curity of what remains of our constitutional 

 liberty. If any gentleman doubted that 

 the existence of a standing army was dan- 

 gerous to popular liberty, he must have 

 read history with great inattention. For 

 history, both ancient and modern, both fo- 

 reigu and domestic, presented the most 

 striking eicampleg of that danger. He 

 ■liuuld think it enough to cite one instance. 

 When a standing army was established at 

 Rerae, Lepidus, who was a member of tiie 

 first triumvirate formed for the destruction 

 of human liberty, issued a proclamation, 

 promising joy and prosperity to those who 

 supported his measures, and denouncing 

 misery and proscription against those who 

 opposed them. Proscription in Rome 

 meant that tlie name of the proscribed 

 should be proclaimed and posted up in tiie 

 public streets, and it was afterwards law- 

 ful fur any one to strike olf his head, or put 

 him to death in any other manner ; and the 

 terrible denunciation of Lepidus was 

 carried into effect. For no less than 'J0,000 

 pro$4-rihed by the lyraanical triumviriite 

 were put to death by the aid of a standing 

 army; and it was remarkable that thr first 

 idea of a Property Tax origniated with this 

 triumvirate, who formed the great proto- 

 type of so many succeeding goveruiaents. 

 But the fate of the prototype should serve 

 as a warning to the imitators. This coun- 

 try was, he hoped, safe from the great evds 

 of civil war ; but it was impossible that 

 tilings could long remain in their present 

 state ;and, ifaiiy sucii circumstances should 

 arise, as there was too nuich reasim to dread, 

 it would be idle to talk of tlie law and the 

 coniititution wlien the standing army ap- 

 peared. The law was mute, and the con- 

 stitution a dead letter, when opposed to 

 that sword, which was the usual instrument 

 and best ally of a Ijraonical prince. [Here 

 Mr. S. <|iioted the speech of James the 

 First to that parliament, which, be it ob- 

 served, wtfs annual.] In this speech the 

 King said in substance, " that, he preferred 

 the good of his people to the indulgence of 

 his own wishes, because he felt, tliat in at- 

 t/:-nding to liieir good, iie always best cou- 

 MiltL'd his own interest, adding, that the 

 power \v possessed was ordained for ihe 

 good of the peo])le, and not foi' his own 

 ^oiid; and tliut those who would urge him 

 t$ think olherwije weru vipern and pcits lit 



himself, as well as to tlie common weal." 

 Had this doctrine, said iMr. S. been acted 

 upon by the successors of James I. ona 

 monarch would not have lost his head, and 

 another would not have been dismissed 

 fiom the throne. But the fact was, that 

 the doctrine of James I. seemed to hav» 

 been altogether forgotten in modern times. 

 Piinces might, however, yet lam«nt that 

 they had been so forgetful of their duties. 

 —With respect to parliaaientary reform, 

 Mr. S. said, that he should add'nothing t* 

 what had been already observed upon tliaf, 

 interesting subject. According to hie 

 judgmeal, a meeting should be convened 

 distiijctly for the purpose of preparing a 

 petition or petitions, with a view to the at- 

 tainment of reform; and at such a meeting 

 he should take occasion to deliver his sen» 

 timents. He was firmly convinced, that 

 unless a radical and effectual reform took 

 place, some alarming convulMon was to be 

 apprehended. The danger of the country 

 w;i3 most menacing; a dreadful storm was 

 collecting, which, unless speedily averted, 

 would binst with uiihcard-of fury. A refoi- 

 matlon could securely protect us; and in 

 appioaciiiug the throne to petition for the 

 attainment of that desirable measure, li« 

 should advise the approach to be made 

 with dignity and determination ; that the 

 people should approach the throne witll 

 Magna Cliarta in their hands and firmness 

 in their hearts, to tell the Prince Regen|. 

 that they come not to implore, but to dt> 

 maud their rights; to tell him whatever 

 parasites or sycophants may say, that your 

 conijilaiuts are reasonable and well-foiimir 

 ed, and that they ought to meet immcJi^ 

 ale consiJeratioM ; to tell him also that 

 your grievances mu>t be reuiedied, and 

 that the delay of your redress may involve 

 in eternal destruction all tho:ie by whom 

 you are opposed. 



The Ilcsoliitioiis were as under— 



Resolved, That the present calamitou* 

 situation of the country arises from an ex- 

 cessive ritio of taxation, produced by i 

 profligate expenditure of the public mo- 

 ney, ill prosecuting unjust and tmnecesiary 

 wars, waiiod for the sole purpose of placing 

 the Bourbon family on the tl(rone of 

 France, equally against the wishes, and ii^ 

 defiitiicc of the remonstrances, of a vast 

 majority of the English and French people. 



That the corrupt state of the represen- 

 taiiiin of the people in the Comniins House 

 of PaiJiainent Ins been the means of ena- 

 bling ministers to levy imposts on the peo- 

 ple without their consent ; to keep up a 

 iai ge standing army at a |)eriod of profound 

 peace, so incompatible with our Ace con- 

 stitution, and comjilelely subversive of 

 those principles m.iiiiiained by our an- 

 cc.Htors at the revoliiliun, whiih placed the 

 Hiiiise of Brunswick upon the thiouc of 

 Great Britain. 



'i'liul tUc unj>arallel<:d presiure of ih« 

 limes. 



