Further details of the late Neapolitan Revolution. 



1821. 



A decree of fhc 22ii(l July, apiwint- 

 ing the meeiinji; of parliameut for the 

 1st of October, 1S20, offers for discus- 

 sion a series of constitutional pro- 

 blems. Are tlie sittings to be held 

 at the same periods fixed upon in the 

 Spanish statute ? Is the mode of elect- 

 ing, and the number of deputies, to be 

 arranged according to the Spanish sys- 

 tem, and will it be preferable to elect 

 the number of representatives in pro- 

 portion to every sixty thousand persons 

 for eacli member, so that the whole 

 will not exceed 98 for the united king- 

 dom of the two Sicilies ? 



The iirst of these propositions can 

 only be resolved by tlie abbreviation 

 of the constitutional limits, established 

 on the 1st of December. It would be 

 little other than a species of political 

 suicide, to decree that the assembling of 

 parliament should take place as on or- 

 dinary occasions. Our hearts and hopes 

 are eagerly directed towards a speedy 

 session, to behold at their posts their 

 representatives, on whom our future 

 destiny depends, prepared to modify 

 the Spanish constitution to meet our 

 own national character and wants. 

 Thus they will fulfil their duties as 

 constitutional legislators. One of the 

 •first objects of their labours ought to be 

 a revision of the Spanish regulations 

 regarding elections, a subject that from 

 the remotest times appears to have per- 

 plexed and divided the opinions of the 

 ablest statesmen. 



We must, we think, approve of the 

 decree of the 22nd of July, which de- 

 cides that the statute of Cadiz should 

 remain in force, inasmuch as regards 

 the second and third of the foregoing 

 measures. 



It is, however, an important question 

 upon which parliament must finally 

 decide, and we trust that in debating 

 upon the most proper modes of electing 

 it will always shew itself a firm and 

 faithful advocate of the constitution. 



If it may be permitted good citizens 

 to ol^er up prayers in favour of their 

 country, we would Iiope the wisdom of 

 parliament, in virtue of its power of 

 modifying laws, will endeavour to 

 strengthen itself rather by supplying 

 immediately the number of members 

 wanted, nominating whom it may 

 think proper to fill the vacant seats, 

 than delaying longer in passing acts to 

 increase t!ie number of its deputies. 

 The real safeguard of the constitution 

 will bo found to consist in the ixjwcr 



Monthly Mag. No. 354. 



40o 



and number of the provincial members. 

 During (he first sessions we trust none 

 will be found, amidst the expression of 

 so much disinterested patriotism and 

 national concord, vile enough to har- 

 bour selfish views and offer intei-ested 

 counsel. 



But in every constitutional govern- 

 ment, the ministerial spirit is on the 

 alert, and inclined to take advantage 

 of every occasion, to encroach upon 

 the rights of the people. It behoves 

 our representatives, therefore, to watch 

 over our interests, and to include num- 

 bers sufficient to maintain them. In- 

 deed the reduction resolved upon in one 

 only of the three chambers composing 

 the SKprcyne council of chancery, had 

 given rise to many comments. The 

 Supreme Council A'lA not precisely con- 

 sist of a legislative body, but discussed 

 ministerial projects in regard to laws 

 without the intervention of ministers. 

 But this shadow of popular authority 

 has no cause or excuse for longer exis- 

 tence since the establishment of the 

 New Constitution. It is now asked 

 ■what are the fit subjects of discussion 

 for the Chamber of Council, the only 

 one still existing ? If of a legislative 

 nature, they peculiarly belong to the 

 provisoiy junta; if judicial, to the 

 magistrates. It would appear, that 

 imtil some further decision of parlia- 

 ment, the chamber ought to interfere 

 in nothing more than the examination 

 of appeals from the decisions of the 

 High Court of Judicature. Two de- 

 crees of the 26th of July, have produced 

 much serious discussion, and many ob- 

 jections. Tlie one relates to remodel- 

 ling and reinforcing the guard of na- 

 tional safety, the other to the liberty 

 of the press. The fiirst, with some 

 reason, is accused of not containing a 

 sufficient declaration of its temporary 

 authority, limited to the assembling 

 of parliament ; which may have pro- 

 ceeded from mere omission, and of itself 

 furnishes no cause of alarm. But why 

 should the guard of safety be at once 

 nearly disbanded after manifesting such 

 a noble spirit, preserving the capital in 

 the year 1815, and rendering such 

 glorious service in the great work of 

 July 1820? Why make it the object 

 of an odious conscription, and deprive 

 it even of its triumphant colours? 

 Equally oppressive to both parties in 

 the service, this decree authorizes a 

 new tribute, anticipating, without oc- 

 casion, the deliberations of parliament, 

 3 E which 



