Retrospect of French Literature—Miscellanies. 
ruptions of the great, made his own eourt 
shudder with rage; authority as usual, 
was opposed to genius; the parliament 
condemned both the work and the author, 
but he remained unpunished. 
On the convocation of the nobles, Mi- 
rabeau said ‘“‘ Je m’honnorerois d’etre le 
secretaire de cette grande Assemblée.” 
In his * Observations sur la maison de 
force, appeiée Bicétre,” he drew up a 
luminous theory of penal legislation; in 
his “ Counseils a un jeune Prince,” he is 
remarked for his precision, the profound- 
ness of his ideas, and the tone of dignity 
with which he conveys his precepts. 
When he repaired to Provence, he 
found he had no chance to be returned a 
deputy for the nobles; his propercy was 
small, and his interest, which was entirely 
personal, was overborne by the great 
land-owners. He was, however, more 
fortunate among the plebeians. than the 
noblesse, and was accordingly elected for 
the two communes of Aix and Marseilles. 
In the latter city there was a great coin- 
motion at that time, in consequence of 
a factitious scarcity of corn: this is said, 
with more asperity than justice, to have 
been a snare laid by the court both for 
the inhabitants and Mirabeau. The lat- 
ter perceiving, or thinkiug’he perceived 
this, pleaded before the administrators 
the cause of the people, and before the 
people that of the laws. The scarcity 
ceased, and he was carried about in 
triumph. 
He sat in the National Assembly in the 
39th year of his age, and soon developed 
the immensity of his talents and his la- 
bours, together with an extraordinary 
knowledge both of men and_ things, 
Those who wish to become acquainted 
with his eloquence, must consult his Ora- 
tions, since published in 5 vols. 8vo. 
The principal epochs during which he 
distinguished himself as a legislator were, 
on the insurrection, and disarming of the 
troops—the organisation of the national 
uard—the union of the three orders 
—the resistance to arbitrary power, so 
admirably expressed in his reply to the 
threat of an officer of the crown—the an- 
nibilation of distinctions, privileges, and 
feudal rights—the guarantee of the pub- 
lic debt—the sale of the property of the 
clergy—the reform of the -system of fi- 
nances—the liberty of the press, and the 
theatre. 
Mirabeau was not only forcible in his 
expressions, but his head, his concep- 
tions, his eloquence, his delivery, bis 
gesture, his voice, his physiognomy, all 
667 
bore the character of genius. The na- 
tion in his time did not, indeed, declare 
itself a republic, but much was achieved 
by his dragying into open day that ancient 
mass of ,prejudices which had endured 
for fourteen centuries, and which at length 
buried in their ruins those Samsons who 
supported them. ; 
Mirabeau, after shining with meridian 
splendour, became at last stationary and 
even retrograde in his political career; 
for clouds, raised by himself, gathered 
about, and obscured his disk. The court ¢ 
accused him of being the author of the 
insurrection of the 5th of October; the 
popular party, on the other hand, accused 
hirn of intriguing with the court; and, 
strange to tell, both of these contradic- 
tory accusations appear to have been 
founded: this seeming enigma may how- 
ever be solved by recurring to his cha- 
racter and principles. Tle wished fora 
revolution, but it was in order to procure 
his own advancement, and from circum- 
stances rather than principles, proposed 
that it ought to be monarchical. How- 
ever, even in the tribune, he seemed to 
acknowledge, that if occurrences per- 
mitted, the people should aspire to what 
he was pleased to term the height of their 
destiny.* Had every thing been ripe, 
and the nation prepared for a republic, 
he would doubtless have either become, 
or affected to be a republican, When 
Camille Desmoulins proposed that the 
natronal cockade should either be green, 
the symbol of hope, or blue, the colour 
adopted by the republicans, he exclaim- 
ed, ‘* The people in general do not pos- 
sess as yet spirit enough to wear the 
blue!” ‘Alluding to what might possibly 
happen, he was accustomed to say, 
“ Should such an event occur, much em- 
barrassment will ensue; I alone have the 
plan of a republic in my head, and I 
know how to make every thing succumb 
to it!” On another occasion, he darted 
a fierce look at Lameth, and said, *-To- 
morrow I intend to proclaim the repule 
* Nous sommes une nation vielle, sans 
doute trop vicille pour notre époque ; nous 
avons un gouvernement préexistant, un rot 
préexistant, des préjuyés préexistans 5 il jaut 
autant qu’il est possible, assortir toutes ces 
choses & Ja révolution, & sauver la soudaineté 
da passage. Il le faut jusqu’A ce qu’il résulte 
de cette tolerance une violation pratique des 
principes de la liberté nationale, une disso- 
nance absolue dans l’ordre social. Mais si 
Vancien ordre de choses et le nouveau laissent 
une lacune, il faut lever le voile @ marcher™” 
Collec. des Trav. 4 "Ass. Nat. tom. II. p. 148. 
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