IS'24. 



Political Affairs in March. 27 i 



pended before its institutions were de- 

 stroyed. But if there reniaiiied a doubt 

 of its strength, tlie very existing slate of 

 Spain was the most iintjiiestionable proof. 

 If the constitutional party were tliat con- 

 temptible faction, iiow came it that France 

 continued her armies, and that its despotic 

 flag waved over every fortress of tlie Pe- 

 ninsula? He was not one of those de- 

 fenders of the Spanish people who was 

 prepared to state that, in their defence of 

 their country they had entitled themselves 

 to the admiration of mankind ; or even 

 that they had satisfied all the hopes that 

 the character of tiie struggle had induced 

 many to form. But lie did feel that it 

 was of importance that their reputatioa 

 should not be undeservedly depreciated. 

 It was to be borne in mind, that the Span- 

 ish people, at the time of the French in- 

 vasion, were not in a state of anarchy ; 

 that they were subjected to a government 

 to which they had entrusted their pro- 

 tection. That the government on which 

 they depended did not discharge its duty, 

 lie was prepared to admit. They had left 

 the nation in a state of nakedness and im- 

 poverishment. They had unhappily pro- 

 voked the nobility "by making war on its 

 privileges, and exasperated the church by 

 a diminution of the tithes to one-half. In 

 making these changes he did not attribsite 

 to them any bad motive ; but the effects 

 were most nnfortunate to Spain, Nay, 

 they quarrelled with that very army which 

 had established the success of tlie constitu- 

 tional system. They did that to quiet the 

 alarms of France; they did so, under the 

 fallacious, but honest, hope of disarming 

 the jealousy of the Holy Alliance. They 

 acted, also, under that, in their case, mis- 

 taken impression, that a standing army 

 was inimical to liberty. Perhaps he 

 could not give a better description of the 

 feeling that actuated the Spanish people, 

 than by describing that spirit of which he 

 was a witness, in the Isle of Cadiz, just 

 previous to its surrender. That Isle, com* 

 prehcuding a circumference of twenty-five 

 miles, a position that would require a de- 

 fence ot '25,000 men was defended against 

 the besiegmg army of France, and its 

 blockading squadron, after the capture of 

 the Trocadero, by not more than 9,700. 

 Tliere was not a pallisade drove, — not a 

 ckmiuxdefrise laid,— not more than fifteen 

 dollars in the military chest, and scarcely 

 five cannon fit for service ; and yet, on the 



suspended her declaration of neutrality, 

 a single frii>ate would have ventured out of 

 any of the ports of France; much less 

 liave commanded the Gut of Gibraltar, 

 boarding every vessel, Eni:lish or other- 

 wise, that were pursuing their destination. 

 The moment the word nentrality escaped 

 the British Ministry, then it was that the 

 King of Spain had determined to throw 

 Iiimself into the arms of France, and that 

 the treasons of Abisbal, Morillo, and Bal- 

 lasteros, were generated. From that un- 

 fortunate moment al-o, dismay, desponden- 

 cy, and despair, pervaded the government 

 and armies of Spain. He knew it had 

 been said that the constitutional party in 

 Spaiti, consisted only of a small fractional 

 part of the population. — For the sake of 

 the argument lie would grant it hypo- 

 thetically, yet it was to be recollected, 

 that if it was that fractional part, it com- 

 prehended all that was enlightened, pa- 

 triotic, intelligent, and amial)le in Spain. 

 Whatever were the faults of >lit; consti- 

 tutional government, and lie did not ap- 

 pear there as its advocate in all its mea- 

 sures, yet their efforts proved that they 

 possessed hearts which qualified tiiem to 

 preside over the institutions of a free 

 state. Another objection was imputed 

 to them on the score of religious intole- 

 rance. It was true that circumstances 

 compelled them to declare an exclusive 

 religion, yet there was not a man amongst 

 them who was not persuaded that political 

 freedom could not exist without religious 

 toleration. It was this conviction that 

 armed the church of France against the 

 free institutions of Spain ; it was the 

 aversion which that intolerent priesfliood 

 felt that gave birth and vigour to the re- 

 ligious crusade against its independence. 

 Theocracy they determined was to be 

 maintaiued in Spain. For that purpose 

 the uur'ortunate Emperor of Austria was 

 induced to interfere — for that purpose the 

 Emperor Alexander, no matter what his 

 own religious doctrine was, was impelled 

 to dictate, because he knew that whenever 

 the Catholic Religion was cxciusively do- 

 minant, it was a most efficient instrument 

 in shackling not alone the minds but the 

 persons of its votaries. But he denied 

 ihat tiie constitutional party was that 

 fractional poitiou of the people of Spain 

 which some assumed. Its history, from 

 «hc beginning to the subversion of the 



constitution, proved that it was supported , , , 



by a very considerable body of the Span- day of the bombardment, there was mani 



ish nation. It was niainlained by an army 

 of 10,000 men. Jt was assented to, be- 

 cause it was demanded by the people, by 

 a reluctant king. When attacked by a 

 foreign army, it occupied an army of 

 10(),000 men for eight months to subvert 

 it. But, above all, it required tlie in- 

 trigues of the confederated tyrants of K^\^ 

 rope, and ten niillions of gold, to be cx< 

 MuNTUi-Y Mao. No, 3'Ji. 



fesied not the slightest alarm amongst the 

 population. Men, women, and children 

 evinced the greatest love of country, and 

 exasperation against the unprincipled in- 

 vaders. No aspersion was more unjust 

 tiian to charge the Spanish people witli 

 the want of (irmuess. They were capable 

 of displaying the highest <|ualilies, of feel- 

 ing the most generous excitements, and 

 2N ■ ei' 



