1822. 
difference—Jt és no stepping-stone ; the 
power is in the hands of the two coun- 
cils and the executive, between whom 
and the House of Assembly is drawn 
an impassable barrier of interests, ha- 
bits and prejudices. 
The march of the human mind is 
forward: here it is arrested, and frets 
itself against an obstacle in opposition 
to its nature. The English party sel- 
dom troubles itself to look into human 
nature for the origin of this hostile 
spirit. They have, however, a con- 
nected system by which it is accounted 
for. The Canadians are slaves here- 
ditary, and unfit for the blessings 
of political freedom: they are con- 
sequently led away by factious dis- 
contented men, principally lawyers, 
who take advantage of their ignorance 
to embarrass the execntive and elevate 
themselves in the confusion. This con- 
clusion is not altogether false; but a 
serious error arises from considering 
this temper not as the routine of human 
nature, acting always similarly in simi- 
lar circumstances, but as the factions 
spirit of a few individuals with whom 
it might be extinguished. An impres- 
sion to this effect seldom fails to be 
made on the mind of the governor, and 
through him, on the mind of ministers 
ait home: Facts themselves strengthen 
this impression. It is sufficiently pro- 
bable that the recent attacks on the 
eonduct of the chief justice were dic- 
tated by a desire to embarrass the go- 
vernment, and generally to lower it in 
the eyes of the people. ‘The leaders of 
the House, ever ready to take advantage 
of the errors of the government, beat 
about for opportunities to attack ; 
should none effer themselves, and this 
is rare, they must be foreed. Public 
good must be the pretext, because the 
real and natural motive cannot be al- 
ledged. The attack fails; because the 
power is still substantially in the exe- 
cutive, but the intended effect is pre- 
duced. Exacerbation, suspicion, a 
weakening of respect towards the go- 
vernment, sympathy with their repre- 
sentatives as fellow-sufferers—and here 
the distinctions abovementioned tell. 
There is little or no communication 
betwixt the English and the Canadians 
by which evil impressions might be 
softened. The upper classes of Cana- 
dians cannot cope with the English in 
expense, and therefore shrink from an 
association in which they must appear 
to disadvantage: language increases 
this disposition. Having no bond of 
Politics of Lower Canada. 
195 
pleasure or interest, few English will 
trouble themseives to acquire fluency 
in the language of a people whose so- 
ciety they count not worth having. 
Whe English seem proud and cold—the 
Canadians shabby and ignorant. The 
Canadians (with the exception of the 
few in office, who for that very reason 
are not very popular) make no part of 
the governor’s circle. Puplic bicker- 
ings are not sofiened by personal inter- 
course, but this connexion belwixt the 
people and their leaders is strengthened 
by this exclusion, 
Of the Governor. The disadvantages 
under which the governor labours are 
sufficient to render the best intentions 
and even talents of no effect... He ar- 
rives a perfect stranger to the country 
and its inhabitants; and in order to be 
informed passes into the hands ef the 
very persons least likely to make a true 
and correct representation of them. 
To shew the force of this observation, 
it is sufficient to state the sentiments of 
the English party with regard to the 
present state of politics, and means of 
remedying the evil. By the English 
party 1 mean the members of the two 
councils, aud principal officers-of go- 
vernment, whose situation, gives Uhem 
the governor’s ear. They give the 
tone to the rest, if there can, be said to 
be any remainder, for the military ta'se 
little interest in matters of civil go- 
vernment. The first and general idea 
of this. party is, that the Canadians 
have something in their constitution 
which renders them tufit to appreciate 
or enjoy a free government. This no- 
tion is set forth at length in a pamphlet 
signed Camillus, by one of the leading 
merchants of Montreal,* and fairly re- 
presents the geveral sentiment-of the 
party. As the Canadians are unfit for 
a free government, it follows that the 
House of Assembly és @ tier in the con- 
stitution, the plave of which might be 
admirably supplied by the two councils ; 
a fact of which it is impossible they 
should doubt, being themselves the 
component parts of both, and having an 
abundant conviction of their own, abi- 
lity to bear all the burthen, power, and 
emoluments of office. This reasoning 
is enforced by a description of the kind 
of persons of whom the assembly is 
composed, being either factious dema- 
gogues, generally lawyers, or petty 
tradesmen, many of whom are unable 
to write their own names. This, though 
* Mro R———n. 
