1822.] 
people is the ultimate and true end of 
government. Governors are therefore 
appointed for this end; and, the civil 
constitution which appoints them, and 
invests them with their power, is de- 
termined to do so by that law of nature 
and reason which has determined the 
ends of government, and which admits 
this form of government as the proper 
means of arriving at it. Now, the 
greatest good of a people is their 
liberty. Withoutliberty, no happiness 
can be enjoyed by society. The obli- 
gation, therefore, to defend and main- 
tain the freedom of such constitutions, 
will appear most sacred to a patriot 
king. The constitution will be consi- 
dered by him as one law consisting of 
two tables, containing the rule of his 
government and the measure of his 
subjects’ obedience: or as one system 
composed of different parts, and pow- 
ers, but all duly proportioned to one 
another, and conspiring by their har- 
mony to the perfection of the whole. 
He will make one, and but one, dis- 
tinction between his rights and those 
of his people: he will look upon his to 
be a trust, and theirs a property. He 
will discern that he can have a right 
to no more thanis entrusted to him by 
the constitution. In fine, the consti- 
tution will be reverenced by him as 
the law of God and of man, the force 
of which binds the king as much as the 
meanest subject.”—pp. 110-114. 
‘Thus he will think, and on these 
principles he will act, whether he come 
to the throne by immediate or remote 
election. For in hereditary monar- 
chies, where men are not elected, fami- 
lies are; and, therefore, some authors 
would have it believed, that, when a 
family has been once admitted, and 
an hereditary right to the crown once 
recognized in it, that right cannot be 
forfeited, nor that throne become va- 
cant, as long as any heir’ of the family 
remains. How much more agreeable 
to truth and to common sense would 
these authors have written, if they had 
maintained that “every prince, who 
comes to a crown in the course of suc- 
cession, were he the last of five hun- 
dred, comes to it under the same con- 
ditions under which the first took it, 
whether expressed or implied. The 
first and the last hold by the same 
tenure. <A patriot king will never 
countenance such impertinent falla- 
cies, or deign to lean on broken reeds.” 
p- 115. The question is at issue. 
Are these first truths of government, 
Remarks on Lord Boling broke concluded. 
507 
or “the cant of hypocrisy and en- 
thusiasm ?” 
On that unconstitutional and still 
increasing influence of the crown so 
forcibly deprecated by Lord B. itis an 
alarming characteristic, that the means 
of counter-action diminish in an exact 
ratio to its enlargement: and we know 
that the forms of a free constitution 
may remain, as did those of Athens 
and Rome, long after its actual and 
irrecoverable subversion. 
King George II. inherited all the po- 
litical principles and predilections of 
his father ; and, under his reign, the 
same system of parliamentary influ- 
ence and electoral ambition prevailed, 
modified, indeed, as circumstances 
would admit, by the sagacity of Wal- 
pole and the integrity of Pelham. So 
mildly and beneficially was this influ- 
ence exerted by the latter, that reform 
in the state was no longer thought of. 
“The Whigs, (says Lord B. with ad- 
mirable penetration,) were so intent 
on the means of establishing their do- 
minion under the government, and 
with the favour of a family who were 
foreigners, that they did not advert in 
time to the necessary consequences of 
the measures they adopted. Nor did 
they consider that the power they 
raised, and by which they hoped to 
govern the country, would govern 
them with the very rod of iron they 
forged, and would be the power of a 
prince or minister, not long that of a 
party.” 
During the height of the Walpole 
ascendency the Tories, weary of a 
long and unjust proscription, began to 
attach themselves to the Prince of 
Wales, then in opposition to the court; 
and, under their new denomination of 
“the Country Party,” they seemed to 
surpass their allies the Whig patriots 
themselves, in their zeal for liberty, and 
in the vehemence of their declamation 
against standing armies, septennial 
parliaments, public debts, excise laws, 
continental wars, subsidy treaties, and 
the whole detested system of Hanove- 
rian politics. Their efforts also were 
unwearied to enforce the remedial 
measures of triennial parliaments, 
place and pension bills. 
But, on the general reconciliation of 
the Whigs under Mr. Pelham, and the 
consequent decline of opposition, the 
social and political circle of Leicester- 
house became much contracted. In 
this state of things the Prince of Wales 
was, by a fatal stroke, of which the 
whole 
