562 
and by causes which must be obvious to all 
enlightened and impartial observers. We 
owe it, therefore, to candour, and to the 
amicable’ relations existing between the 
United States and the allied powers, to 
declare that we should consider any 
attempt: on their part to extend their sys- 
tem to any portion of this hemisphere as 
daugerons tu our peace and safety. With 
the existing colonies or dependencies of 
any European power, we have not inter- 
fered, and shall not interfere. But, with 
the governments who have declared their 
independence, and maintained it, and 
whose independence we have, on great 
consideration, and on just principles, 
acknowledged, we could not view any in- 
terposition for the purpose of oppressing 
them, or controlling in any other manner 
their destiny, by any European power, in 
any other light than as the manifestation of 
an unfriendly disposition towards the 
United States. In the war between those 
new governments arid Spain, we declared 
our neutrality at the time of their recogni- 
tion; and to this we have adliered, and 
shall continue to adhere, provided no 
change shall occur, which in the judgment 
of the competent authorities of this govern- 
ment, shall make a corresponding change, 
on the part of the United States, indispen- 
sable to their security. 
The late events in Spain and Portugal 
show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this 
important fact no stronger proof can be 
adduced, than that the allied powers 
should have thought it proper, on any 
principle satisfactory to. themselves, to 
liave interposed, by force, in the internal 
concerns of Spain, To what extent such 
interpositions may be carried on the Same 
principle, is a question in which all inde- 
pendent powers, whose governments ditier 
from theirs, are interested ; even those 
most remote, and surely none more so than 
the United States. Our policy, in regard 
to Europe, which was adopted at an early 
age of the wars which have so long agi- 
tated that quarter of the globe, neverthe- 
less remains the same; which is, not to in- 
terfere in the internal concerns of any of its 
powers; to consider the government de 
facto as the legitimate government for us; 
to cultivate friendly relations with it, and 
to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, 
and manly poliey;: meeting, in all in- 
stances, the just claims of every power— 
submitting to injuriés from none. But, in 
regard to those continents, circumstances 
are eminently and conspicuously different. 
It is ‘impossible that the allied powers 
should extend their political system to any 
portion of either continent, without en- 
dangering our peace and happiness; nor 
ean any one believe that our southern 
bréthren, if left to themselves, would 
adopt it of their own aecord. It is equally 
impossible; therefore, that we should beliold 
Political Affairs in December. 
{Jan. 1, 
such interposition in any form, with indif- 
ference. If we look to the comparative 
strength and resources of Spain, and those 
new governments, and their distance from 
each other, it must be obvious that she can 
never subdue them. It is still the true 
ypolicy of the United States to leave the 
parties to themselves, in the hope. that 
other powers will pursue the same.course, 
If we compare the present condition of 
our union with its actual state at the close of 
our revolution, the history of the world 
furnishes no example of a progress im 
improvement in all the important circum- 
stances which constitute the happiness of a 
nation, which bears any resemblance to it. 
At the first epoch, our population did not 
exceed 3,000,000. By the last census it 
amounted to about 10,000,000; and, 
what is more extraordinary, it is al- 
most altogether native—for the emigra- 
tion from other countries has been incon- 
siderable. At the first epoch, half the 
territory within our acknowledged limits 
was uninhabited and a wilderness. . Since 
then, new territory has been acquired, of 
vast extent, comprising within it many 
rivers, particularly the Mississippi, ‘the 
navigation of which, to the ocean, was of 
the highest importance to the. original 
states. Over this territory our population, 
has expanded in every direction, and new 
states have been established, almost equal 
in number to those which formed the first 
bond of our union. This expansion of our 
population aud accession of new states to 
our union, have had the happiest effect on 
all its highest interests. That it has emi- 
nently angmented our resources, and ad- 
ded! to our strength and respectability as 
a power, is admitted by all. But it is not 
in these circumstances only that this happy 
effect is felt. It is manifest that, by en- 
larging the basis of our system, and in- 
creasing the number of States, the system 
itself has been greatly strengthened in 
both its branches. Consolidation and dis- 
union have thereby been rendered equally 
impracticable. Each government, con- 
fiding in its own strength, has less to ap- 
prehend from the other, and, in conse- 
quence, each enjoying a greater freedom 
of action, is rendered more efficient for 
all the purposes for which it was insti< 
tuted. It is unnecessary to treat here of 
the vast improvement made in the system 
itself by the adoption of this constitution, 
aud of its happy effect in elevating the 
character, and in protecting the rights of 
the nation, as well 2s of individuals. To 
what, then, do we owe these blessings ? 
It is known to all that we derive: them 
from the excellence of our institations, 
Ought we not, then; to adopt every mea- 
sure which may be necessary to perpetuate 
them? 
James Monrog, 
Washington ; Dec. 2, 1823. 
SOUTH 
