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Se 
/PHE History of Italy, from the Fall of the 
Western Empire to the Commencement of 
the Wars of the French Revolution. By 
G. PrercrvaL, Esq. 2 vols. 8v0.—The de- 
clared object of these volumes is to afford 
“a succinet and comprehensive narrative’’ 
of the vicissitudes of Italian history, from 
the overthrow of the Roman Empire, to 
our own thmes, eaclusively. The author 
professes to lead us rapidly through the 
five centuries of darkness which veiled the 
settlement of the northern barbarians in 
the peninsula; to linger amidst five other 
centuries of all that is brilliant in human 
destiny, for freedom, commerce, wealth, 
literature and art; then to conduct us 
through that eventful age—the reign of the 
emperor Charles V.—which, while it pre- 
pared the splendour of other nations, sealed 
the second ruin of Italy; and finally, to 
carry us over the gloomy waste of the three 
centuries which have separated her gran- 
deur from her modern degradation. Here, 
therefore, we have the annals of thirteen 
hundred years in about as many pages; 
and Mr. Perceval has attempted to render 
afar more complete chronological history 
of Italy in two volumes, than M. Sismondi 
has done in sixteen. Such an attempt 
needed great powers of compression and 
lucid brevity ; and Mr. Perceval has shown 
no want of self-confidence in undertaking 
it. But, if he is not throughout equally 
successful in the conduct of his plan, 
the general merits of his polished style, and 
the learned care with which he has. con- 
sulted the various Italian chroniclers and 
historians, must raise his work far above 
the rank of ordinary compilations andi 
abridgments., Its intention, at least, de- 
serves every commendation: for, as our 
Janguage has hitherto possessed no distinct 
work on the subject, the general. Eng- 
lish reader is now for the first time present- 
ed, within a reasonable compass and ina, 
popular form, with the means of gaining a 
sufficient acquaintance with the chequered 
fortunes of the most interesting and beau- 
teous land in the universe. 
But we feel ourselves: called'upon to say 
a: few words:on the political tone of the 
book; for, in spite of the usual cant of im- 
partiality, it is impossible for any man to 
execute an historical work, without. tinging. 
every page of it with the general hue of his 
own opinions. We. may. observe, then; 
that the present volumes: are) composed in 
a liberal and manly spirit—with a thorough 
detestation of absolute power, and a warm 
attachment to the cause of liberty: But 
Mr. Perceval, notwithstanding, betrays 
some shades of prejudice: he proclaims 
the watch-word of a party. Your Whig, 
who appeals to “‘ the constitution of 1688,’” 
calls himself the friend of the people: And 
so he is—against the tyranny of a: monarch, 
or the abuses of a Tory administration. 
He hates arbitrary prineiples—chiefly, per- 
haps, because his adversary, the Tory, up- 
holds them. But try him on a really popu- 
lar question—universal suffrage, for exam- 
ple—and, unless it suit/his purpose, for the 
hour, to cajole the many, he will be the 
first to close the barrier against the ‘‘ en 
croachments of the lower orders.” Your 
Whig picques himself upon his liberal opi- 
nions; and declares his hopes for the’ diffa- 
sion of freedom all over the world: but he 
is in heart an aristocrat, afterall. And this’ 
foreigners, who: sometimes. read us: better 
than we do ourselves, very well know, 
when they set us down for the most aristo- 
cratic people on the face of the earth It» 
is quite inthe Whig spirit that Mr. Per- 
ceva) 
