1829.] A {fairs in General. 637 
that his last act authenticated all they could think of the giddiness of 
his character. His letter to the Popish bishop Curtis, was a document 
of which we shall not trust our opinion to paper. Under the hand and 
seal of an Irish viceroy, it recommended “ Agitation.” The word is 
enough ; the other nonsense of the paper might have been erased: the 
single word was sufficient ; and we fully coincide in all that the ministers 
can say of the propriety of this man’s recal. On this point the premier’s 
cutting remarks are utterly unanswerable :— 
“The Noble Lord said he had written the letter to Dr. Curtis with a view 
to restore tranquillity ; but Mr. O’Connell thought that it recommended some- 
thing more, and observed, that to that extent the Catholics would not obey 
his Lordship’s recommendation. The Noble Lord said that the letter was 
quite innocent, for though it recommended agitation, it did not really mean 
agitation. (Hear.) But, upon referring to the state of Ireland for three years 
before, the agitation meant only something short of rebellion; it did not subse- 
quently change its character. The Noble Marquis when he recommended its 
continuance was still in his Majesty’s service, and he asked if such a circum- 
stance did not render his removal a matter of necessity ? (Hear, Hear.) The 
Noble Lord began his administration in Ireland by a regular discussion with 
his Majesty’s government. He asked if the law was to be enforced against 
the Catholic Association ? and the government replied in the negative. The 
Noble Lord subsequently received instructions to consider with the law officers 
of the crown, whether the common law or one of the six acts could put it 
_ down? and he (the Duke of Wellington) now begged leave to ask if the letter 
to Dr. Curtis was in conformity with these instructions? (Hear, hear.) Surely 
the continuance of agitation was not at all consistent with the desire to restore 
tranquillity to the country.” 
In the most preposterous instances before, the viceroy, however silly 
or angry, always laid down his delegated authority, previously to 
arraigning public measures, or appealing to public feelings. But the 
letter in question, was issued from the full-blown authority of the 
British viceroy ; and on this ground alone, if there were no other, we 
cannot conceive how ministers could have acted but as they did. 
Of the explanations in the House, the only public idea is, that they 
are no explanations at all ; they neither tell why the Marquis originally 
incurred the wrath of the Premier—why he threw himself into the arms 
of the O’Connells—why he was so strangely enraptured with the inter- 
course of such aman as every body knows Lord Cloncurry to have been 
and to be—nor why he wrote his letter to the popish priest. The 
little story about the Marchioness of Westmeath—that lady who so pug- 
naciously prefers single blessedness, a pension, and a lodging in St. 
James’s, to the society of her husband and the advantages of her station 
in society—has sunk away ; yet it was upon this that the partisans of 
both sides were prepared to make their first battle. However, the 
subject, the parties, and the system, are now alike unimportant ; and 
from Irish affairs, the sooner the eyes of honest men are turned away, the 
sooner they will escape a sight of folly, disgust, and corruption. 
The Swan River job, there is every reason to hope, will be.a sublime 
disappointment to the new dynasty of jobbers. None of “THE family” 
are likely at present to wear the imperial diadem on the shores of New 
Holland ; om its head must exert his wits to provide some hundred new 
sinecures for them at home. The whole business had the essence of 
modern statesmanship breathing from every pore ; and we must lament 
that such brilliant prospects for a young ministerial brood, and such 
