1828.] 
tance. He is content with the realities of 
power. Liveries, though never frequent, 
are now scarcely used at all, where coach- 
men and footmen are multiplied fifty fold. 
Armorial bearings are almost wholly aban- 
doned—even on hatchments and tombs. It 
is become a mark of bon ton to discard 
things of this kind. In the same manner, 
the use of military titles, except that of 
general, once so common, is growing un- 
fashionable—as also the distinctions of ‘“ho- 
nourable’’ and “ excellency.’? The whole 
country, in short, is getting more purely 
democratical in appearance at least—the ten- 
dency is all that way. Parade is discon- 
tinued; the lawyer can plead without a 
wig—though the judge still wraps his dig- 
nity in a silk gown; neither the president, 
nor any member of the cabinet, or the con- 
gress wears the slightest mark of distinction. 
The Order of Cincinnatus, attempted some 
years ago to be established by the military, 
has yanished before the ridicule it excited. 
The influence of education, talents, money, 
and even birth exists—very much as with 
us—only modified, and in some degree cur- 
tailed. It is fortunate in America, as well 
as elsewhere, to be the child of a worthy, or 
even of an affluent parent. But public 
rights, and through them private manners, 
are all, more than in any country in the 
world, founded on common sense. Adams, 
the present president, when secretary of state, 
published a pamphlet on some questions 
of etiquette, connected, however, chiefly 
with matters of official intercourse, for which 
he was a good deal quizzed, though the 
very quizzers were ready to adopt the very 
thing they laughed at. But here appears 
the common sense of the country—what- 
ever is conyenient in the way of ceremony, 
they readily adopt, but are little disposed to 
make trifles matters of serious discussion. 
The Americans are charged with cold- 
ness—particularly the women; but this is 
only towards strangers. Compared with 
other women, they are simple and direct ; 
they do not understand the French, or even 
the English complimentary and exaggerat- 
_ ing style; and such addresses throw them 
back upon their reserve—yet the manner is 
_ more strictly subdued than cold. They are 
_ =—when that reserve wears off—as lively, but 
never as frivolous, as our own fashionables, 
and always more frank and cordial. 
On the constitution, principles, and prac- 
tice of the government, Mr. Cooper will 
furnish ample details—with full statistical 
tion of all kinds. Of American 
e, the author speaks, as he is, like 
1 man of sense. Materials are wanting. 
f ¢ are no annals for the historian, says 
he; no follies (beyond the most vulgar and 
common-place) for the satirist; no man- 
ners for the dramatist ; no obscure fictions 
for the writer of romance; no gross and 
hardy offences against decorum for the mo- 
alist ; nor any of the rich artificial auxili- 
aries for poetry. I'he experience of amonth, 
Domestic and Foreign. 
83 
he adds, is sufficient to shew any observant 
man the falsity of the position—that the 
society and institutions are, or ought to be, 
favourable to novelties and variety. They 
are too much alike, and too much like what 
common sense tells them they ought to re- 
semble, &c. 
Every body knows America has no church 
establishment. But great ignorance prevails 
on this subject. In numerous books of some 
authority, it has been stated, that though 
there is no state religion, every one is as- 
sessed for the support of ministers, with the 
right of the contributor to direct its appro- 
priation. This, however, neyer was strictly 
the fact, and is now scarcely so at all. The 
constitution of New Hampshire authorises 
its legislature to make provision for Pro- 
testant ministers, and Massachusetts enjoins. 
In these states a slight assessment is laid 
on property. It was the same not long 
since in Connecticut, but gradual changes 
are still going on, and the Americans fear- 
lessly adapt their institutions to the spirit of 
the age, and that spirit is independence to 
the fullest practicable extent- 
At present, in Maryland, Virginia, North 
Carolina, and Tenessee, the clergy are not 
eligible to the state legislatures. In South 
Carolina, Kentucky, and Mississippi, they 
can be neither governors nor legislators. 
In Missouri, they can fill no civil office but 
justice of the peace. In New York, Dela- 
ware, and Louisiana, no civil office at all. 
The other states, and the United States, a 
general government, are silent on the sub- 
ject, and the clergy are considered as eli- 
gible to every situation; and in all cases, 
restrictions are applicable, as surely they 
ought to be, only where men are in the ac. 
tual exercise of clerical functions. _Con- 
gress appoints chaplains; but takes them 
indiscriminately from the several sects, al- 
most, as we have been assured, in rotation. 
No Catholic has hitherto been chaplain, 
but not so much from exclusive principles, 
as accident. Mr. Cooper was present when 
a Catholic preached to both houses, though 
probably not half-a-dozen Catholics were 
present. The clergy of different professions 
live in great harmony—they have little to 
quarrel about—neither titles nor promo- 
tions. One, moreover, has no advantage 
over another ; he has but one alternative— 
he must abandon the race, or contend with 
watchfulness and care. This does not ex- 
cite jealousy, and, least of all, laxity. Hach 
party knows his influence depends on the 
conformity of his practice with his doctrine 
—which implies charity and forbearance. 
There has been plenty of intolerance in 
America—the inheritance of our fathers— 
but all is giving way. Restrictive laws in 
all the old states are gradually. growing a 
dead letter, and either are already repealed, 
or will speedily be so. Kyen Maryland— 
a Catholic colony—has just rescinded the 
law which disfranchised the Jews. 
o to numbers, if the Presbyterians and 
2 
