1828.] Notes for the Month. 275 
point is just as far from being concluded as it was before the first Cos- 
sack crossed the Turkish frontier. 
_ Apart from the unsettled aspect of the East, there seems little else in 
the state of foreign politics that should disturb us. The Portuguese 
contest, for instance, notwithstanding the interest which a peculiar party 
is endeavouring to give to it, we must be deprived of reason to think of 
taking any part in. The real motive, and the only competent justifica- 
tion, of our undertaking the cost of sending troops two years ago to 
Portugal, was the threatened interference of Spain in Portuguese interests 
and affairs, while Spain herself was governed by the armies of our rival, 
France. That cause of interposition has now ceased. Civil dissensions 
will at present, under any government, continue to agitate Portugal ; 
and, at some period or other, a revolution—sweeping away not this or 
the other particular monarch, but the whole existing political and reli- 
gious system of the country—will terminate the contest: but that era, 
we are afraid, is still distant ; and certain it is that any British minister 
would merit to be impeached who should propose to lay out one shilling 
in hastening its progress. For the present, at least, the constitutional 
question is over. Don Pedro may endeavour to make an effort to enforce 
what he calls his “ title”—that is, to regain possession of Portugal—and 
to continue to rule it by a regency from Brazil ;—but he has no means 
(of his own power) of bringing half a regiment into the field for such a 
purpose ; and, if he had, the question is one with which we have nothing 
at allto do. There is no public principle, nor any political considera- 
tion, which should prevent us from recognizing Don Miguel (if it suits 
our purpose to do so) to-morrow. If it was possible for the South 
American colonies to declare themselves independent of the old states 
of Europe, surely, @ fortiori, it is competent to those states to hold them- 
selves independent of their heretofore colonies? The course, however, 
of England in the affair is easy and plain. We have no title whatever, 
nor any interest, to interfere in the contest. We should continue our 
communications with the de facto government of Portugal—whatever 
it may be—as far as they are necessary for our convenience, as long as 
the struggle exists, and feel no scruple in “ acknowledging” the vic- 
torious party at its conclusion. 
From foreign policy, turning to domestic affairs, the first subject, of 
course, that presents itself for discussion, is—“ The state of Treland.” 
There is plenty of choice in the topic: turn which way we will, some 
variety of it occurs: “ Irish distresses,” and “ Irish rights,” and Irish 
cant, and Irish bluster ; with, pretty nearly on all sides, Irish disposition 
to do mischief, whenever the opportunity may present itself of attempting 
it with success. 
_ We are not disposed to exhaust the patience of our readers upon a 
subject, on which, in spite of themselves, they have already been forced 
to hear too much; especially as the suggestion of any safe or useful 
licy with reference to it, seems to become every day more impractica- 
ble. Our personal support has been given, firmly and uniformly, to the 
policy of Concession: but there are concessions which it is impossible to 
grant, and a tone of demand which no government, that means to be a 
government, can dare to listen to. The direct avowal of the Catholic 
body, through the medium of their “ Association,” is now—not that the 
Catholics must have “ Emancipation,” but “that the terms which have 
been asked for under the title of Emancipation wil! not do.” “ The 
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