324 Court of Chancery. [Ocr. 
curiosity into the bargain; but neither nobility or beauty are always 
devoid of mischief: and the value of all prerogative (except to him 
who enjoys its exercise) consists in its tendency to promote public 
utility, and in that alone. This tendency, we apprehend, it would be 
difficult to demonstrate for the prerogative in question: and certainly 
it is not very wise in a minister of the crown to rest the question on 
the want of an instructor to our hereditary legislators on the laws and 
institutions of the country they have to govern. Again, it is urged, that 
so high a prize operates as a beneficial stimulus upon the industry and 
exertion of the bar. Undoubtedly, the law is a dry study, and it may 
be necessary to treat lawyers like babies, and give them sweetmeats to 
make them learn their lesson. In God’s name, however, let the sweet- 
meats be given for the lesson, and not as they now are for playing 
truant—not, indeed, truant from books—but truant from the cause of 
honesty and independence to that of venality and corruption. It is well 
known that splendid as is the prize, political apostacy or political prosti- 
tution are now, as they ever have been, the only roads to its attainment. 
“Oone @cds5 exir elOnreut, pcr T ExAvoy aUTE, 
is a maxim pretty well understood by lawyers ; and we do not hesitate 
to declare, that the prize, as at present betowed, has no better operation 
than as an agent of corruption. 
With the slight interest both had in the matter, it was not very won- 
derful that, on the project for separating these discordant functions, 
Lord Eldon should have to oppose “not merely his own individual 
opinion, but the collective wisdom of an acute and intelligent profession.” 
We doubt not our readers will equally understand the answer of Lord 
Hardwicke, when informing Lord Northington that he must take with the 
chancellorship both political and judicial “offices together, he told him 
that “ Westminster Hall would never forgive him if he suffered these 
offices to be disjoined.” ‘“ Double headed monster,” may Mr. Bentham 
well remark, “ Head judge and Head party-man, back to back: fitter to 
be kept constantly in spirits in anatomy school, than one hour in the 
cabinet, and the next hour on the bench. Behold in this emblem* one 
ef the consequences of having one and the same man to sit as sole 
highest judge, with all the property in the kingdom at his disposal, and 
im the cabinet to act as chief organizer of intrigues, and moderator of 
squabbles about power, money, and patronage ; the cabinet situation 
being the paramount one, the most transcendent aptitude for the judicial 
situation cannot keep him in it, the most completely demonstrated inap- 
titude remove him out of it !” 
But if the petitioners for justice are thus injured by the union, assur- 
edly the state has little political gain to thank it for. All along our 
Chancellors have been little else than political adventurers. In the 
earliest period of their history they were ever the willing agents of 
arbitrary power. What they have gained on the score of government 
with a Thurlow, a Loughborough, an Eldon, or a Lyndhurst, ourselves 
require instruction. 
With all this in our view, it it impossible-we can hesitate about re- 
commending the confining the ao of the Chancellor to the discharge 
a —— es ——- 
* Lord Eidon. 
