410 
The Designs of Russia, by Lieut.-Col. 
De Lacy Evans ; 1828.—This is a hasty, 
but energetic sketch of the probable career 
of Russia. he author is obviously in 
abundant possession of every circumstance 
requisite for the discussion of his subject ; 
but too much disposed te estimate by the 
population and acres of a dominion, and the 
number of bayonets, that can by possibility, 
or rather upon paper, be brought into the 
field. He seems not to consider that be- 
yond a certain point these things will not 
hang and work together—of a certain ex- 
tent and bulk, they become too distinct and 
disjointed for single management; and 
when deputies, with almost, or quite inde- 
pendent powers, must be employed to 
govern distant regions, unity is gone, and 
strength is broken. The Russians, unless 
some check is thrown in their path, the 
author doubts not, will accomplish the ex- 
pulsion of the Turks from Constantinople 
and Europe, and Constantinople become 
the capital of the Czar; he will boldly and 
effectively spread his eagle wings, one over 
the expanse of the Mediterranean, and the 
other over the regions of British India— 
“ Constantinople is only 3,000 miles from 
Bombay or Surat, and of them 400 only of 
Iand-carriage.”’ 
Colonel Evans looks far into futurity, or 
rather in his view—not far, for he imagines 
all will speedily be accomplished—all his 
gorgon terrors realized ; but among his an- 
ticipations of the Russian achievements, we 
Were somewhat amused—we scarcely say 
alarmed — at the successive steps of the 
autocrat’s encroachments—and the conse- 
quent decline of the British power. 
Once in possession of Constantinople, 
and her conquests a little settled into con- 
sistency, Russia will soon, he thinks, begin 
to feel her new strength, and will no longer 
hesitate, first, to intimate a desire, a friendly 
desire, to the government of both England 
and France, that some slight modifications 
shall take place in their systems of civil 
policy—that some of the unseemly ingre- 
dients of democracy which disfigure the 
French “ Charte,’”’ and that render the de- 
bates of our own legislative assemblies, 
doubtless, so undecorous and wounding to 
the refined apprehensions and lofty sensi- 
bilities of an autocrat, should be expunged 
or neutralized. By and by, when flushed 
with success—when he holds a still more 
numerous army in the leash than he does 
now—when his military chest is recruited 
with the obroks of 70 or 30 millions of vas- 
sals—when he is no longer locked up with- 
in the Baltic and the Euxine—when his 
fleets will ostentatiously parade the Mediter- 
ranean—when all the world begins to suc- 
cumb to the evidence of his power—what 
then ?_why then “it may be doubted whe- 
ther he will retain so unfeigned a respect 
either for the French Chambers or the 
English Parliament, or the obnoxious, im- 
pertinenfly inquisitive press, as may be the 
Monthly Review of Literature, 
[Ocr. 
means of averting such a profanation as that 
which has been above contemplated.” (We 
do not always catch the Colonel’s specific 
meaning.) Besides, a request coming from 
such a quarter, couched in all the becoming- 
ness of amity and high censideration, re- 
commending, in gentle terms, merely an 
arrangement of the powers of government, 
more assimilated to the well-ordered con- 
dition of things in the superior state, will 
not appear so very unreasonable. and there 
will not be wanting, Col. Evans suggests, 
advocates at home. An attentive, and even 
deferential ear will at least be lent to the 
autocrat. 
Next, as soon as he is in readiness to pick 
a quarrel, or strong enough to levy contri- 
butions on us—which will not be till his 
fleets cover the Marmora, and his troops 
hover over the northern provinces of India 
—the Russian representative will be in- 
structed to express the Emperor’s earnest 
hope, that ows duties wpon corn will be done 
away with, as being conceived in an illibe« 
ral and unreciprocal spirit, and especially 
injurious to his subjects of the Ukraine, 
Crimea, and Wallachia—which must of 
course be complied with, or war ensue. 
But war! the London capitalists, tho- 
roughly aware that we have passed the cul. 
minating point, will no longer receive, with 
their long-wonted complacency, the propo- 
sitions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
—the minister must then temporize—and 
English indignation be smothered. But 
first the urgencies of the Russian envoy will 
get wind. The agriculturists will take 
fright about their rents—they will 
down to the House—they will threaten the 
government—and vituperate the Emperor ; 
all will be reported to that formidable Em- 
peror, and will serve to swell the list of 
grievances. Complaints will follow of the 
insults thus passed upon a faithful friend 
and ancient ally by the turbulent assembly - 
of the English Commons ; and then again, 
there will not of course be wanting some to 
dwell upon the advantages, under any cir- 
cumstances, of tranquillity—on the utopian 
absurdity of the representative system—on 
the unfitness of popular governments—the 
illusiveness of that obsolete chimera of po- 
litical visionaries—the balance of power, 
&e. 
But then, to embarrass the luckless minis- 
ters of the day still farther—to involve them 
more ingeniously—to throw a decent screen 
over the whole concern, Capo d’Istria, or his 
successor, or the Knights of St. John, long 
under the especial protection of Russia—or 
the Spanish King Ferdinand, if he still 
survive, will be directed to demand the 
restitution or relinquishment of our present 
Ionian, Maltese, and Spanish fortresses, 
On refusal, the Emperor will of course be 
appealed to, and will forthwith enforce the 
demands with his ablest logie. 
Our colonies are now perhaps some of 
them in no very thriving condition, but 
