1828.) Moral and Physical Force of Ireland. 487 
tained, notwithstanding the territories, unfruitful in themselves, were scat- 
tered at such distanees from each other, that it was most easy to attack, 
and most difficult to defend them. 
« Thirdly—It may be maintained (d fortiori if the above rules be truly 
founded in the instances of Prussia) that a nation, containing actually 
7,000,000 of inhabitants mostly agricultural, compacted into one mass, with 
a territory so fertile as to be able to treble its population, the position of 
which territory constitutes it a natural fortress of the highest order, and whose 
ordinary revenue would, if due management were introduced, and waste 
excluded, amount to nearly £7,000,000, may maintain an independent station 
amoug the powers of Europe. 
* Fourthly—That a nation, without any greater resources, may vindicate 
herself into a state of dignity and independence, although she may have pre- 
viously groaned under the most atrocious tyranny that ever disgraced the his- 
tory of mankind. 
“ Fifthly—To a nation so vindicating her rights, it does not seem necessary 
that she should be led by legitimacy: on the contrary, by the example of 
Prussia, we are taught, that two or three officers of activity and popularity 
were able to raise their country to that station, from which she had, under the 
protection of legitimacy, fallen :—that they were able to raise raw troops, who 
immediately overpowered the veterans of France. 
“ Sixthly—It appears that the military head of one bourgeois, [alluding to 
Bernadotte’] self-educated, is more worth than the heads of all the legitimates 
of a Holy Alliance, and all their regularly trained officers put together. 
“ Seventhly.—It appears from the speech of Lord Liverpool, that, in the 
modern constitutions of Europe, there are two distinct political powers :—that 
of the government, and that of the people ; and that agovernment may make war 
without the people, and the people without the government; and that a people 
may make war upon a government, and a government upon a people distinc~ 
tively. 
« Kighthly.—From the same authority it appears, that wherever a separa~ 
tion has taken place between those two political powers, ‘on whatever side 
the PEopLE have taken part, vicrory has settled.’ ” 
These last propositions refer to a speech made by Lord Liverpool, in 
which his Lordship had used the remarkable words, that— 
<< Yn the former coalitions, it was a war of the governments of Europe 
against the people of France. In the present coalition, it is a war of the people 
of Europe against the government of France. On whatever side the people 
have taken part victory has settled.’ ” 
To sum up in a few words—the gist of this book is, to prove that Ire- 
land has a population of 7,000,000, which she can treble—a revenue 
adequate for all purposes—an impregnable position—a most marvel- 
lous people—who may safely defy England. 
The colonel forgets one thing. Even supposing all that he takes for 
granted to be true, there happens to be no small portion of the Irish 
garrison, as he calls it—and that not the least brave, or the least influ- 
ential—to be beaten by the remainder before the experiment is tried: 
when that is done—and the Orangemen will not admit that it will be 
easily done—we shall begin to think about what England is to do. The 
book, however, is a curious one. It is not concluded. 
