1826. | New Parliament. 3 
community must be allowed to have, and the numbers too great to 
assemble, representation is the natural dictate of common sense ; but 
equally is it the dictate of that same common sense, that every member 
have the right of naming representatives. With a population of eighteen 
millions, and six hundred representatives, one will represent thirty 
thousand. He may represent more or less—more in country districts than 
in towns; the particular ratio is a matter of indifference. Fix what ratio 
you please, there will be no keeping to it with any continued accuracy. 
If, by the process of gradual changes, one man comes to represent forty 
thousand, and another only twenty thousand, no great harm is done; 
but when one man represents but a dozen or two, or only himself, or his 
patron, and another a hundred thousand, the gross inequality is in itself 
an evil, and involves more evils than can readily be calculated. 
Still the old answer recurs, and really if it had any foundation in 
principle, we would treat it respectfully ; the member is a representative 
of the nation, and not simply of those who return him. ‘Then where 
is the responsibility? ‘To whom is he to account? The whole nation 
cannot take cognizance. Those only who actually elect have the power, 
and consequently the right of doing so; and when these electors become 
few—why, of course, they may be bought, or be silenced. Respon- 
sibility is thus atan end, and with it representation also. But every 
place of any considerable extent has local interests, which the repre- 
sentative must and does undertake to attend to—nay to attend to these it 
is that he is, in numerous instances, especially appointed ; and for neg- 
lecting which, he would deserve to be rejected on his return. But how, 
again, is he to judge of these local interests? By the sense of the 
majority—those whoractually send him to parliament. No such thing. 
The majority of those whom these local interests affect have had no voice 
whatever in electing him—then how is he to estimate these interests, 
or how can he tell when he is really protecting them? He is strictly 
_the representative of a privileged set of jobbers. 
In point of fact, the existing state of the representation is not a 
-system, but an accident—not the effect of any legal enactment, but the 
precarious result of by-gone circumstances. Originally the crown sum- 
moned delegates from what quarters it pleased—from places. that were - 
‘supposed best capable of contributing. The office was burdensome and 
irksome, and delegates were obliged to be salaried. The privilege was 
never solicited—nay, it was frequently deprecated, because the parties 
were summoned only to grant subsidies. By degrees the Commons 
gained strength, and with it the right to advise; then representation 
became a matter of importance —then those who had been usually sum- 
moned to perform a duty, claimed a right to attend, to exercise a 
privilege. But, in a long course of years, these places underwent great 
changes: some increased and some diminished ; some spread into large 
commercial cities, and others dwindled into villages, the property of 
ingle individuals. Places, again, which had been before too insignifi- 
cant to be thought of, grew up into extensive manufacturing towns ; but 
as they, in their state of insignificance, had never been summoned by 
the crown, there was no pretence of custom for a claim of riczht—and 
thus were they left unrepresented. Those who were in possession of 
the right, now regarded as a privilege, resisted the pretensions of 
others ; the unrepresented had no means of enforcing their wishes, and 
no man cared for theirrights. | ae : 
B 2 
