246 Rich and Poor. (Serr. 
much from his actual rights and natural resources, as from the pride, 
vanity, and folly of other classes. He is pre-eminently and exclusively 
the ‘ Gentleman of the country,’ and naturally turns the distinction to 
account. The term is invested with all the smiling and winning at- 
tributes of desirable ambition. To obtain the style and bearing of the 
gentleman,—to be allowed the honours and courtesies conceded to the 
gentleman, is the grand stimulus of plebeian exertion. The capacious 
and hereditary landowner, whether noble or commoner, seizes and ap- 
propriates the realities of the title; and the sycophancy, the imbecility, 
or the imitative instincts of others yields and seconds it, and themselves’ 
grasp at the shadows. All who are aiming to separate themselves 
from the vulgar, assume the character of gentlemen, and enrol them- 
selves on the list of the landed-aristocrat’s supporters. They contribute 
to the splendour of his rays, and delight in the thought of basking even in 
the scattered reflection of a portion of their brilliancy. Though engaged 
in pursuits entirely different—with interests which are totally opposite, 
or materially at variance; though depending on personal and perpetual 
exertions—visiting patients, perplexing the laws, or preaching the 
Gospel ‘ to the poor,’—figuring in monthly magazines, or scribbling 
fashionable novels,—jobbing in the money-market, or taking stock and 
posting ledgers—they claim the title of gentlemen; they plume them- 
selves on the foreign distinction; they would be thought to partake the 
tastes, and pursuits, and enjoyments of the landed gentleman; they 
adopt his prejudice; they second his views; théy strengthen his power 
—and forget themselves. While the gentleman by station, the aristocrat 
of the land, smiles at the mania, avails himself of the general folly and 
voluntary alliance, and carries, silently and satisfactorily, his own pur- 
poses. He sacrifices willing victims on the altars of his own Mercury. 
Were it not for this absurd, but pervading prejudice, the owner of the 
land could never, as he does, rule the country thus despotically. He 
must be content with his natural share—with the bare and local influence 
which his property gives him. To that,—from which no one wishes to 
detract—he must confine himself; and to that the interests of the 
country imperatively demand that he should be confined. His power in’ 
the state would be divided, as it ought to be divided, among all classes. 
For, it is not only in the infliction of the corn-laws that we feel his 
overbearing influence; it is not only in the oppressive—the conquering 
Norman’s exclusions secured by the game-laws—those laws which tempt 
our peasantry, and fill our prisons, and which cry aloud for immediate’ 
abrogation ;—it is not only in these arbitrary measures, but—in the 
imposition of taxes generally. Formerly taxes were levied mainly on 
the land—that was when kings bore sway ;—but of late years—now that 
the lords of the soil rule all—that is, now that they better know the 
resources and the extents of their power, and have more effectively 
brought them into operation and employment,—taxation has been all 
levelled at consumption. In proportion as they accomplish this object, 
they relieve themselves; and zealously have they sought and pursued’ 
their own relief. Our ‘ heaven-born’ minister,—would we could forget 
him—was the champion of the landed interest. Backed by them, he 
was able to disregard all other interests; and they willingly backed one, 
who so resolutely fought their battles. Once, with but a portion of the 
power of the state, they bore nearly the whole expense of it; now, 
though possessing all the power, they have cunningly associated the 
