248 Rich and Poor. [Sepr. 
the remainder, while not a soul lifts.up his voice against ‘the gross 
inequalities of the excise. 954 
The influence of the land (of the rich that is—and all the rich have 
land, or associate themselves in the ranks, and adopt the views of the 
Jandlords) is as visible then in the removal, as in the imposition of taxes. 
It is as visible too in the non-imposition. No tax on ale and beer 
touches the gentleman. Well, but that is to keep the exciseman out of 
private-houses generally. Nonsense. They readily thrust himin others; 
and why should he not, for the same purposes, be admitted into theirs ? 
Besides the tax-gatherer must come ; and how is he less hateful than the 
exciseman? They are tax-collectors alike, and nothing more. \ But the 
gentleman does not drink ale and beer. Then why does he brew? His 
servants drink it. Then his servants cost him less. The exemption zs 
a personal advantage, and no honour to the Legislature.. The poor man 
pays heavily for his. 
As was natural then,—if not very equitable,—the legislature, the rich 
that is, the landlords, the aristocratic-cast, have carefully attended to 
their own interests. They are sole legislators ; but with no desire to be 
sole supports of the expenses of the state. In a land of such profession 
as England, and where occasions have often occurred to the great for 
appealing to the people for aid, they could not, in common decency, 
expressly exempt themselves. But they could give themselves exclusive 
advantages without affixing on those advantages the invidious terms of 
exemption and privilege. They well knew the force of names; and they 
well knew how to associate others to the honour and favour of aiding 
them in their contributions to the state, without giving them any share 
of the power. These things we see they have done. 
Other intolerable consequences have flowed from the same principles, 
not attributable to direct design perhaps, but such as might securely and 
certainly be anticipated, and such as were distinctly foretold, though 
perhaps not believed—we mean, the double burden upon consumers. 
One tax is levied upon them for the Treasury ; and another is levied in 
the shape of profits for himself by the dealer. It is, as we before have 
had occasion to remark, quite notorious, that from twenty to fifty per 
cent. have been oppressively levied in this way. Well, but somebody 
must benefit by these extortions. Vast numbers are indeed thus 
benefited. But that is good policy perhaps ;—greater numbers are thus 
attached to the Government by personal interest ; and we are thus the 
safer from the turbulence of designing men. Perish such policy, say 
we ;—let the people be rather taught to depend upon honest industry 
and close frugality. A good government requires no such mancéuvres to 
attach its subjects. Equality in the imposition as well as in the 
administration of the laws—which includes all the virtues of a good 
government—is all that any government need attend to, to ensure 
the zealous co-operation of the subject. Those subjects have enough to 
do to look to their own individual interests ; and will seldom have their 
attentions turned to the Government—certainly not in vituperation—but 
by the oppressive acts of that Government. paws 
What then is it we are suggesting? A reduction of the general 
burdens of the state? Not so—a transfer only from the shoulders of the 
poor to those of the rich, by exploding the corn-laws, and abolishing 
taxes upon. consumption, The effect of these measures would be at once 
