a 
1826.] Rich and Poor. 249 
to reduce the price of provisions, probably, more than one-half. This 
‘would be real and permanent relief to the labouring and miserable classes 
of the country. Yes, but such a reduction would have other effects. 
These high prices bring grist to somebody’s mill, and those persons must 
suffer. The farmer, for instance, who should get no more than thirty 
shillings, instead»of'sixty for his corn, could not possibly pay his high rent. 
Then the landlord must lower it... But then the landlord, with diminished 
rents, could not support the present scale of * expenditure. Then he 
must reduce it. Is the whole nation to suffer, that he may flourish? 
But then you propose, besides, to lay the whole weight of taxation 
directly upon him. ‘True: but let it be remembered, he will have, 
in common with others, the benefit of cheaper provisions ; and for the 
rest, he must, as we said, bring down, a peg or two, the scale of his ex- 
penditure. If, at last, the pressure of taxation be really more than he 
can bear up against, he must apply to the Minister. After all, the 
landlord can do as he pleases; the power is in his own hands; and we 
have no manner of doubt, when the full weight of taxation presses sharply 
upon him, he will quickly teach the Minister, and the Minister’ will 
as promptly learn, to discover the means of adequate reduction. Twenty 
million sterling cannot be necessary for the government of twenty millions 
of people ; and as to the debt, we leave the matter in their hands, with a 
perfect confidence that they will find means of making the funds at least 
-go hand and in hand with them,—in relieving themselves. The debt 
ought to be treated on equal terms with the vest of the property of the 
country. 
Well, but all this requires time—will indeed never be wholly accom- 
plished. We know it—but something will. The Legislature, restive 
and stubborn as it is, must give way. It will be but common prudence 
to give way. They must sacrifice the corn-bill first to the just demands 
of the country, and in return or revenge, they will clip the interest of the 
debt.. There is no justice in this revenge ; but this will be the course. 
The land and the funds should share alike. But they will not, just yet. 
The land has too much the upper-hand. 
But the poor—the perishing poor; hunger is pressing—the destitute 
are increasing—subscriptions are failing. ‘Then must they go, as they 
should have gone before—to the legal provision of the parochial rates. 
But particular parishes are quite unequal to the extraordinary burden. 
Then must the adjoining parishes be called upon to assist ;—that is the 
next best and the legal remedy. But that also requires time. Then 
must you have a parliamentary grant, or rather a Council-grant, for 
February will be too late. But that is adding to the taxes. Not 
necessarily—equivalent reductions may, and must be made. It is now 
the readiest resource ; and hunger will not, and cannot wait. It must be 
done. Ministers must give way—the stiffest of them; and the talk of 
precedents be thrown to the winds. 
_ One word more. It is said—but by those who know nothing about 
the matter, that the quantum of misery through the country is really 
not increasing. The distress of the manufacturers, they cry, though 
severe, is merely of a temporary nature—such as often has occurred, and 
as often has vanished ;—but the poor-rates—the best criterion surely, 
have not of late years increased. That may be true, and still the num- 
bers actually receiving relief be increasing, because each receives less ; 
and this is the fact. The distress of the manufacturing poor are just 
M.M. New Series —Vot. II. No. 9. 
