HISTORY OF EUROPE. 



23^ 



-sisted by the legislature. The in- 

 fluence of the crc^-ii was an object 

 tliat could not be too seriously op- 

 posed. Years ago, when not ar- 

 rived at its present magnitude, the 

 House of Commons had formally 

 voted that it had too much increa- 

 sed, was still incteasio'' and ounht 

 to be diminished. The present 

 war had sufficiently evinced the 

 vast accession of power toniinlsters, 

 who rewarded their adherents, and 

 punished their cppcisers in a man- 

 ner that alarmed all men of inde- 

 pendent principles. The newspa- 

 pers in the ministerial pay were 

 instalments of their severest ven- 

 geance : vv'hoever thwarted their 

 measures, were described as foes to": 

 their country ; and some persons 

 of rank and importnr.ce had been 

 indirectly accused by ti^em of re- 

 ccivinj wages from the French for 

 opposing government. He con- 

 tended, at the same time, that mi- 

 nistry, by their preserit efforts, 

 were striving to raise the executive 

 department to a higher degree of 

 power than ever: were it invested 

 with the prerogative of levying 

 money without consulting the great 

 council of the nation, parliament, 

 what more would be needed to 

 place that department' above all 

 controul ? Ke would therefore 

 move that it was unconstitutional 

 and dangerous to graiit to the exe- 

 cutive government any private aid 

 ©r benevolence lor public purposes, 

 without the Coui^ent of parliament. 



He was answered by Lord 

 Hawkcsbury, who insisted on the 

 obvious difference between a forced 

 contribution and a voluntary gift. 



The Earl of Derby observed, in 

 favour of the motion, that compul- 

 sion consisted in terror as much as 

 iu actual violeiice. To his know- 



ledge several persons had joined 

 the subscription against their appro- 

 bation, out of the fear of becoming 

 rnarked men if they refused. 



The Marquis of Townsheud con- 

 tended,- on the other side, that in 

 the county of Norfolk, of which 

 he was Lord I^ieutenant, the people 

 were strenuously disposed to sub- 

 scribe, from their zeal for the con- 

 stitution, and the preservation of 

 their country against the attempts 

 of the disaffected to introduce 

 French principles and government. 

 Individuals, acquainted with the 

 sentiments of their neighbours, 

 would certainly be tlie properest to 

 be employed in watching their mo- 

 tions, and defeating their machina- 

 tions. Hie evil-disposed were nu- 

 merous, and could only be known 

 to those who dwelt in the same 

 places, and who would therefore 

 be nearer at hand to suppress them 

 than regular troops fetched from a 

 great distance. In this light the 

 scheme in agitation was highly use- 

 ful and salutary : it tended most 

 effectually to secure the public 

 peace, by keeping in constant rea- 

 diness, every where,men who could 

 be depended oa for their loyalty 

 and attachment to government, and 

 who, being of the middle classei, 

 were interested in preventing dis- 

 turbances, and protecting industry 

 and property. 



The tiarl of Caernarvon additi- 

 onally observed, that to consult 

 with individuals, legally convened 

 in county meetings, aboutthe rneau- 

 of levying men, or with private 

 gentlemen engaging to raise coiti- 

 panies or regiments on (heir own 

 funis, were iransaciions similar to 

 each others if the latter were law- 

 ful, the former must be the same. 

 Mon*y was the medium to be pro- 

 cured 



