HISTORY OF EUROPE. 
once declare that revolt is illegal, 
and, instead of being a duty, isa 
crime? This is the language that 
Ought to be spoke: but every one 
willing to reserve to himself and 
iends the privilege of revolting, 
when to them it seems proper, re- 
fuses to make this declaration, and 
each has, in the end, fallen a sa- 
crifice to this terrible article of the 
declaration of rights *.”’ Roland, 
and the other reformers of France, 
were sensible that the French cha- 
racter was not adapted toa repub- 
lic; but they reckoned upon the 
change that would be introduced 
into that character by the institu- 
tions of a free form of government ; 
not recollecting that written laws 
are, inthemselves, but lifelessthings; 
and that they derive their whole 
énergy from the activity of the hu- 
tan passions that carries them into 
execution. Where the morals of 
men are grossly depraved, they 
either suffer equal and just law to 
become obsolete, or use their li- 
berty only as a cloke of licentious- 
ness. Not only did the passions and 
. immoral habits of men hurry them 
on, in the progress of revolution and 
anarchy, to greater and greater ex- 
\ « 
[67 
cesses and crimes, but also blinded 
their understandings, contracted 
their views, and involved them in 
continued contradictions. Though 
the primary movers and leaders of 
revolution, agreeably to the genius 
of the French nation, entertained 
the same projects of national ag- 
grandizement with their successors, 
they intended, at least professed to 
pursue great and glorious ends, by 
wise and virtuous means. Mlira- 
beau’s plan was to produce a change 
of manners in his countrymen, by 
altering the system of education, in 
a space of time not less than fifteen 
years; and to extend the influence 
of France, by enlarging that of 
other nations. Had Mirabeau lived, 
the vices and defects of the consti- 
tution of 1795, would, perhaps, 
have been corrected by appeals to 
the primary, whose rights had been 
usurped by the Constituent As- 
sembly, and by restoring the King 
to liberty and political importance. 
In other countries as well as France, 
there were many men who abhor- 
red the crimes of the 10th of Au- 
gust and 2d of September, yet still 
thought it expedient to adopt the 
principles from which they flowed, 
__|* Had Mr, Playfair attended more than he has done to arrangement and to dates, 
his work might be considered as incomparably the best account of the French Re- 
volution that has yet been published ; the most profound, satisfactory, and entertain- 
ing. While the phenomena of the revolution, in its different stages, are traced with 
farly moapicciy to the Freich doctrines concerning the rights of man, and particu- 
‘the duty of insurrection, the excesses, inconsistencies, and absurdities of both 
the people and those who assumed the reins of government, are painted with great 
of ridicule ; which, however, seems not at all to arise from any design of dis- 
ert and humour on the part of the author, but to be the natural and una- 
voidable result of a clear and just view of his subject. Mr. Playfair unites a fine 
oles and turn for speculation with great knowledge of the world, political, com- 
‘mercial, and financial; and has shewn, by other publications besides the present, 
how much he is capable, especially in times like the present, of being of service to 
his country, 
88. 
d 
vVi5 
[LF] 2 CHAP. 
