278 
whose throne they themselves shook, 
have completed the disgrace of 
Louis XVI. by taking up arms 
against their own country, by filling 
Europe with their falsehoods and 
their calumpies, and by becoming, 
by a conduct as foolish as it is cri- 
minal, the most dangerous enemies 
of Louis XVI. and of their. country. 
I have often myself heard Louis 
XVI. Jament their crimes and their 
chimeras. 
I shall leave the King of Prussia 
and his whole army to judge of the 
conduct of these dangerous rebels— 
are they esteemed or despised? I 
do not require an answer to that 
question; I already know it—yet 
these men are suffered to remain in 
the Prussian army, and to form the 
advanced guard of it, with a small 
umber of Austrians, as barbarous 
as themselves. 
Let us now come to the Austiians. 
Since the fatal treaty of 1756, France, 
after sacrificing its natural allies, 
became a prey to the ambition of 
the court of Vienna. All. our trea- 
sures served to satiate the avarice 
of the Austrians. Inthe beginning, 
therefore, of our reyolution,—at the 
opening of the National Assembly, 
under the name of the States Ge- 
neral, the intrigues of the court of 
Vienna were multiplied to deceive 
the nation respecting its real inte- 
rests; to mislead an unfortunate 
King, surrounded by bad advisers, 
and lastly, to render him perjured. 
—It is the court of Vienna that has 
occasioned the downfal of Louis 
XVI. What has been done by that 
court, the crooked politics of which 
are too subtle to display a bold and 
open conduct? It represented the 
French as monsters, while it, and 
{be criminal emigrants, paid emis- 
saries and consvirators, and kept up 
, 
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1792. 
by every possible means the most 
frightful discord. This power, 
more formidable to its allies than its 
enemies, has engaged us in a war 
against a great King, whom we es- 
teem; against a nation which we 
love, and which loves us. This 
reversion of all political and moral 
principles cannot long continue. 
The King of Prussia will know one 
day the crimes of Austria, of which 
we have proofs, and will abandon 
it to our vengeance. I can declare 
to the whole world, that the armies 
united against the forces which now 
invade us, cannot be induced to 
look upon the Prussians as their 
enemies, nor the King of Prussia as 
the instrument of the perfidy and 
vengeance of the Austrians and the 
emigrants. They entertain a nobler 
idea of that courageous nation, and 
of a king whom they wish to con- 
sider a just and honest man. 
The King, say they, cannot aban- 
don his allies—Are they worthy of 
him? Has a man who has associat- 
ed with robbers a right to say that 
he cannot quit that society ? He 
cannot, it is said, break his alliance. 
—Upon what. is it founded ?—On 
perfidy and projects of invasion.— 
Such are the principles upon which 
the King of Prussia and the French 
nation ought to reason, in order to 
understand each other. 
The Prussians love royalty, be- 
cause, since the great elector, they 
have had good kings, and because he 
who now conducts them is doubt- 
Jess worthy of their affection.—The 
French-have abolished royalty, be- 
cause, since the immortal Henry 
IV. they have always had weak, 
proud, or timid kings, governed by 
mistresses, confessors, insolent or 
ignorant ministers, base and abject 
courtiers, who have afflicted, with 
’ every 
