162] 
minded. He concluded by saying, 
that, ‘¢ the friends of kings would 
never be quiet until they had de- 
stroyed all the royal governments ; 
the loss of their pcople’s affection, 
and of their power, had uniformly 
arisen from the pernicious counsels 
of those friends.’’ 
Mr. serjeant Adair maintained 
the reality of a conspiracy, from the 
constant language and transactions 
of the popular societies: though, 
possibly, not yet guilty of treason, 
they bordered upon it ; and govern- 
ment aéted wisely in taking timely 
alarm, and obviating evils, which, 
if left unchecked,wouid rapidly have 
become irresistible. It was through 
the seasonable interposition of go- 
vernment, that the enernies of the 
state were still'so weak in number, 
and so insignificant in character. 
The principle of punishment up- 
on suspicion was reprobated by 
Mr. Fox, as incompatible with the 
law, and with the spirit, of the Eng- 
lish constitution: it was the prin- 
ciple of all the tyrannical govern- 
ments in existence. The. suspen- 
sion of the habeas corpus had only 
that treason in view which was 
clearly defined by the statute of 
Edward III. but, if constructive 
treason were once admitted, any 
species of misdemeanour might come 
under that interpretation, So strong 
and positive had been the acquittal 
of the persons lately tried, that 
government was completely  de- 
terrcd from farther prosecutions, 
It was asserted, by the supporters 
of ministry, that the reasonings of 
Opposition, against the suspension, 
were few in comparison. of those 
that’ militated for its propriety ; 
butjif few, said Mr. Fox, they 
were apposite to thecase ; they were 
founded upon law,- the best of all 
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1795. 
reasons. He denied the disaffection 
imputed to the opposers of mi- 
nisterial measures: to these, he al- 
lowed there were multitudes of. 
enemies ; burtthese the truest friends 
to theconstitution, and to the means 
of its duration ; the most efficient 
of which means, was to treat the 
people with lenity, and to restore. 
to them that safeguard of their con- 
stitutional freedom, the habeas, of 
which they were so causelessly de- 
prived. Discontents would always 
exist; but that was no argument 
for wrath and resentment ata whole 
community. The loyalty of the 
people at large was unquestionable ; 
they had hitherto submitted to the 
executive power, without the least 
shadow of resistance; their desire — 
of a reform in the representation 
was well founded, and ought to 
meet with compliance, before dis- 
contents rose to an alarming de- 
gree. Parliament, though elevated 
to the supreme authority of legisla. 
tion, should remember who exalted 
them, and consult at once the in- 
‘terests and the wishes of their con- 
stituents. When opinions became 
general ina nation, its rulers should 
act conformably to them; asit could 
not reasonably be supposed, that the 
body of an immense people were 
not able to judge for themselves so 
well as those whom they deputed 
and authorized to a&t for them, 
merely to prevent, turbulence and 
confusion, It were a happy cir- 
cumstance for nations, if their rulers 
would more frequently condescend 
to receive impressions from them : 
had not the British government — 
unfortunately disdained such im- 
pressions, Britain and America — 
would, at this hour, be but one 
people. Inauspiciously for states, 
these impressions wege usually fele 
i. too: 
