BROUGHAM’S INQUIRY INTO COLONIAL. POLICY. 
ately convert the slaves, or churls, into 
vassals; and the allowance of certain 
days, or half days, in which to work 
for themselves, as is practised in the 
Spanish islands, would gradually mo- 
_ dify the more orderly and industrious 
part of the vassal population into free 
labourers. The process, which is to 
convert slaves into peasants, has in early 
ages been tried in all the countries of 
northern Europe. It ought to be al- 
ready going on in the West Indies; and 
‘it ought to be more speedily applied to 
the islands, which are most advanced 
in the progress of cultivation, than to 
the newer settlements. 
Mr. Brougham, however, is not un- 
willing to make some reforms. He 
considers as the greatest evil cf the 
West Indian system, the oppressive 
treatment of the negro-slaves. “He ob- 
jects to the large proportion which the 
imported bears to the whole black popu- 
lation. He finally assents to the aboli- 
tion of the slave-trade. The merit of 
his book consists in a certain ubiquity 
of attention; in viewing on every side 
and in all its bearings, the consequences 
of the measure, and in the art of mask- 
ing the prejudices of the heart in the 
frigid forms of calculating policy. He 
seems aware that there are governments 
which dare not make their subjects hap- 
pier, unless it be proved that philan- 
‘thropy is no per centage oa profit, and 
justice but the titular appellation of 
prudence. 
The title of these volumes is too com- 
prehensive: not colonial policy in gene- 
ral, but only that of thé West Indies has 
been enquired into: perhaps two more 
volumes are in preparation, to examine 
colonial policy in the east. There is 
a something disappointing in the puny 
concluding result. After visiting the 
whole archipelago of sugar-islands, and 
marshalling disquisition after disquisi- 
tion concerning their circumstances, 
what do we learn?—that it would be ra- 
tional to abolish the slave-trade. 
A very important branch of colonial 
policy, which at this time it was pecu- 
iarly important to discuss, is the theory 
of colonial taxation. To us it appears 
very reasonable that, whenever lands 
are granted to settlers in ceded or con- 
quered territories, the government should — 
reserve a quit-rent—a certain annual 
tribute from the land, to be valued a- 
fresh every fourteen years, and to in- 
crease with the progress of private ren- 
327 
tal. Some retribution for the original 
advance of capital, and for the continual 
charge of protection, is justly due; and 
this ought to be commensurate with the 
improvement of value deriving from 
such successive advances and such suc- 
cessive protections. A land-tax, then, 
fluctuating with the rent, is tht natural 
recompense, or rather indemnity, of the 
metropolitan country. 
How can this land-tax be introduced? 
The proprietors will object. They can 
arm their vassals ; and with the help of 
the climate tire out our troops. They 
can transfer their allegiance to the pre- 
sident of the United States, and benefit 
their commerce by breaking loose from 
the restraints of monopoly. Here ap- 
pears the want of a middle order of set- 
tled tradesmen in the islands. Such a 
class would long ago have grown 
up, but for the commercial monopoly. 
American and other settlers would have 
had their shops, their banks, their ware- 
houses, their distilleries, their refineries, 
in every island. ‘These clad classes of © 
the people would have demanded far 
more British produce, than the naked 
slaves of the feudal proprietors. ‘These 
tradesmen would have employed their 
acquisitions in the purchase of Jands, 
which would thus have risen in value, 
and have been subdivided into’ more lots. 
A large body of small proprietors is 
more easily subjected to a land-tax, 
than a small body of large proprietors : 
division is surer and individual power 
feebler. Break up then the commercial 
monopoly. 
It is probable that if the money levied 
were obviously to be expended within 
the island, and were to increase circu- 
lation without withdrawing property, 
many persons would, with Tittle reluct- 
ance, incursthelevy. If it came in the 
form of acommutation, of a land-tax in 
lieu of certain burdens on the commerce 
about to be withdrawn, this would fur- 
ther diminish the hostility. And if it 
were made the pledge of the security of 
West Indian property itself—the reluc- 
tance might possibly chahge into appro- 
bation. Minors, and other West In- 
dians, widows, and the like, have mo- 
ney in the English funds. What if the 
dividends on such properties were made 
payable at certain government-banks in 
some one, or in all the islands: the new 
land-tax being payable to, and the divi- 
dends on vested capital payable from, 
re banks. For the balance only the 
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