538 
when weighed in the balance, to be 
found wanting. 
They consist principally of eight. 
«« The first, and perhaps the heaviest, re- 
spects the confiscation of our merchant ships. 
In the early part of the last war the French 
prohibited the importation of English goods 
and manufactures, which prohibition they 
did not think proper to take off at the peace. 
We did not stipulate that they should ; they 
had an undoubted right therefore to make 
what regulations and restrictions they pleas- 
ed: it was a blind and pitiful policy, and 
would have correc:ed itself, had we let them 
alone ; they would have perceived, in a short 
time, the reciprocal advantages of a commer- 
cial intercourse. We cannot beat them into 
trading with us, or cxnnonade them into 
friendship. If the harshness and severity 
Baiployedie the execution of the law were 
matters of complaint and causes of sar, it 
should not only have been represented, as it 
was indeed, by Mr. Merry, bis satisfaction 
insisted upon before we resigned our long ca- 
talogue oF conquests : for the aflair of the 
Fame pacquet occurred: in December 1801, 
and that of the brig George, where the knives 
and forks were setzed, in August 1802; and 
in the following December, at the opening 
of,parliament, it was declared there was no 
reason to doubt of the permanency of the 
peace. We miy presume, therefore, our go- 
vernment was satished, 
«© 2. The next relates to the commercial — 
agents or commissaries sent into this country 
to be stationed at our different sea-poris, by 
way of consuls over trade, with these instruc- 
ttons among others, viz. 
«« Instruction 11.—-* You aré required to 
furnish a plan ofthe ports of your district, 
with a specification of the soundings for moor- 
ing vessels.’ 
*¢ Instruction 12-—* If no plan of the 
ports can be procured, you are to point out 
with what wind vessels can come in and ro 
out, and what is the greatest draught of watur 
with which vessels can enter therein deeply 
Jaden.’ 
*< Now, not to mention that this informa- 
tion was really necessart in acommercial view 
merely, or that plans of our ports with sound- 
ings may be purchased at any good map- 
seller's in London; grant that it was meant 
to be availed of in case of hostilities taking 
place at any time between the two countries, 
and that it was highly insidious, it was not 
matter of suclt uncommon provocation ; and 
no one, fT think, who is acquainted with the 
various intrigues of the old cabinet. of Ver- 
sailles, will assert that that cabinet, or per- 
haps any other, would have had the smallest 
scruple of adopting a similar measure, had 
opportunity occurred ; and an accredited mi- 
nister or envoy would be deemed very proper- 
ly alert in his office, who could procure his 
government such information. But what 
was done on the cecasion? The vigilance of 
HISTORY, POLITICS, AND STATISTICS. 
our administration discovered the instruc- 
tions, dismissed the commissaries, and France 
took them back again. Where then is the 
cause for war? 
««3..The third is, desiring us to send awa 
the emigrants, under the idea that they see 
to raise disturbances in the interior of France, 
and to recommend to the Princes of the 
House of Bourbon to join the head of their 
family at Warsaw. What do we answer? 
Why with manliness ard humanity, that as 
long as they behave peaceably towards us, nor 
plot against them, we will not refuse the hos- 
pitable protection they stand so much in need 
of. They urge it no more, Is there then in 
thts a cause for war? 
«<4. Fourthly it is stated, we have suffered 
an indignity by the ¢ requisition, which the 
French government has repeatedly urged, 
that the laws and constitution of this coun- 
try should be changed, relative to the liberty 
of the press.” Phese are the words of the 
declaration. Let us see what is the com- 
plaint and what is the request, and how far 
it cam be said they have required an alteration 
in our laws and constitution, ‘They com- 
plain that ever since the conclusion of the 
treaty of Amiens, the English press has not 
ceased to cafunrniate and revile the French 
and their government, te represent their re- 
public in the most odious and degrading 
light, that the people are appealed to against 
it, and instigated fhe to insurrection and 
rebellion. ‘They observe, ¢ that the particu- 
lar laws and constitution of Great Britain are 
subordinate to the general principles of the 
law of nations, that if it be a right in Ene- 
land to allow the most extensive liberty to the 
press, it is a pablic right of polished nations, 
and the bounden duty of governments, to pre- 
vent, repress, and punish every attack which 
might by those means be made against the 
rielits, the interests, and the honor of foreign 
powers. ‘They retort with justice, that the 
French writings furnished in England a plau- 
sible vindication of the necessity of the last 
war; and will England now put the same 
weapon into the hands of the French?’ This 
is all but too true; 1 believe, universally al- 
lowed. All sober-minded Englishmen felt 
scandalised at the daily abuse, and looked for- 
ward in sorrowful presage to the serions mis- 
chief it would ultimately occasion : it might 
and ought to have been corrected. I am as 
much attached as any man to the liberty of 
the press ; am availing myself of the privilege 
of it at this moment: but is it wise, Is it just 
in any government, to permit the public tran- 
quillity of the nation to be endangered by the 
licentiousness of the press, unless the nation 
chooses thereby to intimate its own disposi- 
tions? Was it to be expected that the First 
Consul should patiently and quietly endure 
to be so personally abused, and hear the peo- 
ple he commanded perpetually excited to re- 
volt?) Was it consistent with the very first 
article of the treaty of peace? Was it ‘ care- 
fully avoiding every thing which might here- 
