358 
is likely to be the case with most computa- 
tions of a similar nature, grounded on taxes, 
and as indeed he himself expressly appre- 
hended, we may take a medium between his’ 
statement and that in the table, and safel 
venture to affirm, that the number of pesple 
in Ireland, in the year 1788, was about 
4,169,904. 
«« By the table it appears, that in the year 
1799 there were about 5,159,769 people in 
Treland. And it being a fact, ascertained by 
a variety of coincident circumstances, that 
the increase of houses from 1788 to 1799 
was not merely equal, but greatly superior to 
that from 1777 to 1788, which last Mr. 
Bushe ‘tells us was 173,058, we are thence 
abundantly warranted in inferring that there 
were at least 5,078,348 inhabitants in Ireland 
jn 1799; the demonstrable excess of increase 
during the former period, beyond that of any 
preceding one, being more than sufficient to 
cover the loss incurred by the late rebellion. 
Or taking a medium, as before, between 
these two statements, consonantly to Mr. 
Bushe’s sentiments, we may distinctly affirm 
that Ireland did contain 5,119,568 inhabi- 
tants in the year last-mentioned. And to 
exhibit the subject in a relative point of view, 
we may add, that the population of Ircland 
is actually superior, in point of density, to 
that of England; there being, according to 
Mr. ieasioan’s survey, 27,457 square 
miles in the former, the population whereof, 
including the increase by generation from 
1799, does at present stand atabout 5,497,500, 
giving about two hundied persons to every 
square mile; and, according to the same sur- 
vey, 49,450 square miles in the latter, the in- 
habitants whereof, making suitable allow- 
ances for omissions in the late return, cer- 
tainly do not exceed 9,444,950, giving about 
1Q1 persons to every square mile, or nine less 
than in Jreland. 
«¢ Were it necessary to have recourse to 
collateral proofs, in order to evince the rapid 
increase of people in Ireland, a very admissi- 
ble one might be drawn from the importa- 
tion reins 4 
<©In 1727 there were imported about 
70,000 tons; in 1764, 161,970 tans; and, 
on an average of three years, to 1799, to the 
value of $22,583],” 
It is not easy to persuade any nation 
that it gains by being judiciously taxed ; 
and least so the very poor people of Ire- 
Jand. Yet the fact is confirmed by universal 
experience. Taxation raises the price of 
spirits; suppose at the same tinie that 
it commutes part of the price of tea for 
a duty on windows. What is the con- 
sequence? The numerous classes are im- 
mediately reminded, - that, it is become 
expedient for them to employ less of their - 
wages than before in the purchase of 
spirits, and more’in the purchase of tea. 
Tea is drunk at home, spirits at the gin- 
HISTORY, POLITICS, AND STATISTICS. 
shop. Hence an increased habit’ of do- 
mesticity sets in throughout the families 
of the poor. Tea requires a little appa- 
ratus of kettles, and cups and saucers. 
Hence an increased consumption of pot- 
tery, &c. by which the manufactures are 
benefited, and a greater habitual capital 
becomes vested in furniture: by which 
means the love of home, the fear of the. 
workhouse, and the means of obviating 
a sudden pressure are all augmented. 
The worst taxes are probably those which 
endear objects of necessary popular con- 
sumption, as taxes on soap, candle, and 
sugar. Yet even these taxes, by raising 
the price of commodities, which must 
continue to be distributed im the same 
profusion, increase the returns of all the 
dealers in such commodities, and of 
course their gains. Those consumers, 
who are chapmen, or who let their la- 
bour, make fresh contracts for their wares, 
or their toil, and the eventual sufferer 
by such taxes is the idler, who lives on 
his rents, and whom it is an object to sti- 
mulatt into employment. Taxes increase 
circulation, and circulation is the nou- 
risher of every form of prosperity. To 
create and to destroy, to produce and to 
consume in the greatest possible quan- 
tity, is the highest perfection of com- 
mercial community. Philosophers and 
paupers, who lead lives of privation, 
who have the fewest wants, and who ac- 
complish the least expenditure, are the 
worst citizens of the commonwealth of 
industry. ‘ 
In discussing the national character 
of the Irish, our author does not do sufs 
ficient justice to their placability. Warm 
as their bursts of indignation may be, 
their reconciliations are so too; and a 
government, which has recently quelled 
a rebellion, might with a few concessions 
rely ona glow of allegiance. Why not 
encourage the Irish to form volunteer 
associations ? Pay their poor for coming 
to drill. Let them elect their own off- 
cers, and that annually. To these offi- 
cers let government allow a liberal in- 
come. It would thus both know and 
conciliate the individuals on whom the 
obedience of Ireland depends; and it 
would find the voluntary conversion of 
volunteers into regulars very easy ina 
country, where the commercial and set- 
tled classes are disproportionately few, 
where courage and enterprise abound, | 
and where a hardier ¢ducation peculiarly 
adapts the multitude for the life of the 
camp, 
