166 | 
in ournegociations with our foreign 
enemies. From this elevated and 
dignified ground they looked around 
them, to see whether there yet re- 
mained*any means, by w hich the 
negociation, so abruptly broken off, 
micht notberenewed. They were 
inclined to think that a temperate 
and ccol reconsideration of the pro- 
positions tendered by lord Malmes- 
bury, and rejected by De la Croix, 
would tend to a salutary purpose, 
and that it was possible for parlia- 
ment, without violation or diminu- 
tion of its dignity, to adopt some 
resolutions, which, while they 
strenghtened the executive govern- 
ment, might be conciliatory in their 
nature, and pacific in their effect. 
Previously to any trial of strength 
in parliament, .the neutralists were 
at pains to explain and disseminate 
their principles, both in conversa- 
tion, and by means of the press. 
The leading features of their plan 
for peace, weie, political safety on 
both sides, and the security of pri- 
vate property. ‘* The liberty of 
the nation, like that of an individual, 
it was said, as defined by Montes- 
quieu, is the right of doing every 
thing that the law of nations per- 
mits.\ If one nation could do what 
that law forbids, it would no longer 
possess liberty, because the other 
nations would, in hke manner, pos- 
sess this power. The rights of all 
nations, dependent and reciprocal, 
equally demand in each the pro- 
tection of property: — property, 
which, by its numerous relations, 
and the circumstances of its pro- 
duction, constitutes the bond of 
civil society, and the existence of 
public credit. This universal bank- 
er is equally necessary to the in- 
dustrious poor, who Jeave their 
score with the bakers, toministers, 
ANNUAL REGISTER, 
1797. 
who borrow millions, and to nations” 
who exchange their productions,” 
‘«« Bat where are we to find alaw, 
by which the rights of nations are 
to be maintained and realized? The 
inviolability of property and public 
credit constitutes the wisdom, and 
forms the best end of human policy. 
And it is this basis of universal uti- 
lity, that forms the most solid 
foundation of the law of vations. 
“How was this great political 
truth to be exemplified, and forced 
at once on the comprehensions and 
adoption of mankind? By the ex- 
plosion and the consequences of the 
French revolution. It was in vain 
that the people of France were re- 
presented by universal, or even nu- 
merical, suffrage. That represen- 
tation, instead of respecting the 
laws of property, and maintaining 
public credit, violated and reversed 
its whoie system. Adopting spolia- 
tion for plunder, they created the 
assignats, which consumed the fi- 
nanccs of Europe. They maintain- 
ed the war of France, till she con- 
guered, and subsisted by foreign 
spoil. England, to meet the war of 
assignats, drew upon the finances of 
.posterity. ‘This country and France 
have reversely consumed their capi- 
tal of the present, and that of tu- 
ture generations. Now France is 
beginning to draw upon posterity, 
and England to consume her capi- 
tal of the day. But they have both 
to learn, that they have but one ca- 
pital, namely, the. produce of in- 
dustry, and the soil forthe support 
of life. Italy, Spain, Germany, 
Holland, America, and all the nor- 
thern states are, eventually, suffer- 
ers in this great convulsion. Beside 
the ravages of war, the usual pro~ 
ductions of England and France 
must cost them dearer, The spirit of 
jnsub- 
