that both should be free. 
_was.said, by a great man, respect- 
HISTORY OF EUROPE, 
for the interest of both countries, 
What 
ing America is still more applicable 
with respect to Ireland: ‘I rejoice, 
said lord Chatham, in the resistance 
of America, because I believe three 
millions of men enslaved in that 
country would become the proper- 
est instruments for enslaving this,”’ 
There is, sir, in my opinion, one 
way, and only one, for saving Ire- 
Jand and England: that is to divest 
the present minister of that power 
which he has so long and so fatally 
abused, and to call him to a strict 
account for his conduct, before the 
tribunal of his country. If we 
have not resolution, if we have not 
energy, if we have not the means 
to accomplish this, I know not 
whether the country can be saved ; 
but this £ know, that it is 
not worth saving. After the able 
speech that we have just heard, I 
shall content myself with seconding 
the motion. 
’ Mr. Pitt asked Mr. Fox whether 
the parliament, by which the inde- 
pendence of Ireland was recognized, 
vas more accommodating to the 
wishes of the dissenters of the north, 
or to the catholics of the south,than 
those ofa subsequent period? Quite 
the contrary. Whatever altera- 
tion had since taken place tended 
more and more to include both dis- 
senters and catholics within the pale 
of both civil and political liberty, 
than the principle recognized in 
1782. But the main pillar of bis 
defence of ministers, in their con- 
duct towards Ireland, and ground 
of his objection to the present mo- 
tion, wasthe unconstitutionality, the 
impropriety, and the dangers, to 
be apprehended from the inter- 
ference of the British parliament 
~ 
- 
[247 
in the affairs of Ireland; topics.on 
which he expatiated with ‘his usual 
ability ; but in which it is unneces- 
sary to follow him, as we have seen 
them already discussed in the de- 
bates in the uppet house. As to 
the main concession to be made, by 
way of remedy to the discontents 
and disturbances in Ireland, that of 
allowing to the catholics the privi- 
lege of sitting in parliament, this 
could not be done, without reversing 
the whole of its present form, and 
new-modelling the constitution from 
beginning to end: and, to make this 
change when such principles were 
abroad in the world, and were even 
prevalent in the country in which 
we lived, would be attended with 
the most dangerons consequences. 
Colonel Fullarton, who had just 
come from Scotland, and that part 
of it which almost touches on Ire- 
land, was astonished to find, in the 
metropolis, such an apparent indif- 
ference to the most alarming dan- 
gers; and wondered that so much 
time should be spent in debate, and 
so little in military preparation. 
General Hoche would find, in Uls- 
ter alone, 50,000 Irishmen united,, 
with pikes in their hands, and arms 
conceaied, busily employed in secret 
discip!ine,in order to qualify them- 
selves for re-inforemg the French 
ariny. 
Mr. Courtenay believed, that 
there were, in Ulster, 50,000 men 
with arms in their hands, ready to 
receive the French ; but not to sup- 
port them. ‘The people in that 
province, almost all presbyterians, 
had a strong spirit of liberty, and 
were attached to the popular, or; 
what had been called, the republi- 
can, branch of the constitution; yet 
they were not to be confounded 
with jacobins and banditti. 
[R4] Lord 
