HISTORY OF EUROPE. 
tution, that the public would soon 
be sensible of the change effected in 
its condition, and lament, when too 
Jate, the spiritless acquiescence of 
those who, forgetting their own dig- 
nity and interest, as well as that of 
the nation, had sacrificed it to un- 
justifiable motives, or personal views. 
On putting the question, it was car- 
ried in favour of ministry by seventy- 
nine votes against eight. 
On the same day, Mr. Pitt moved, 
in the house of commons, that the 
royal proclamations, in consequence 
of the fate riot, should be taken into 
consideration. He grounded’ bis 
motion on the necessity of prevent- 
ing such insults being offered to the 
sovereign, as he had experienced on 
the opening of the session. He pre- 
sumed every loyal subject would 
unite with him on this occasion, and 
that methods would be taken to ob- 
Viate those causes from whence the 
outrages proceeded, which were the 
factivus meetings of disaffected peo- 
ple, wherein seditious discourses 
were constantly held, and principles 
maintained utterly subversive of 
good order and obedience to go- 
vernment. The pretence of these 
Meetings was to petition the legis- 
lature for rights withheld from the 
people; but the real motive was, 
to promulgate opinions inimical to 
government, and calculated to bring 
it into contempt. If the executive 
power were not invested with suf. 
ficient authority to control these 
Meetings, they would finally en- 
‘danger the existence of the state. 
Tt was, he acknowledged, the in- 
dubitable right of the people to pass 
their judgment upon ministers and 
their measures, and freely to express 
their sentiments on all political sub- 
jects, as also to petition the different 
branches of the legislature; but 
[21 
these rights ought to be kept within 
their intended limits, and it was the | 
duty of parliament to prevent their 
becoming instrumental in the sub- 
version of the established govern- 
ment. The rights of the people 
doubtless ought to be respected, but 
it was equally indispensible to ob- 
viate their abuse. The question 
before the house was, to use Mr. 
Pitt’s own words, ‘* Whether the 
pressure of the moment did not re- 
quire an instant remedy ?” A pre- 
cise and acknowledged power was 
wanting in the magistrate to disperse 
such meetings. as, threatened dis- 
orders. Ths power indeed ought 
hot to extend to meetings held for 
lawful purposes, but only to au- 
thorise him to watch over the pro- 
ceedings of any large assembly, 
whatever might be the object of 
those who assembled. ‘Lo this in- 
tent, notice should be given to the 
Magistrate previously to the intend~ 
ed meeting; he should be em- 
powered to be present, and if it 
appezred of a seditious tendency, to 
seize the guilty on the spot; to ob- 
struct him should be made felony ; 
and if the meeting did not disperse 
at his command, the penalties pro- 
vided in the riot-act should. be in- 
flicted on the refractory. There 
was, added Mr. Pitt, another species 
of meeting, consisting of persons 
who attended public. lectures on 
political subjects ; the lecturers were 
men notoriously disaffected to go- 
vernment, and the doctrines they 
delivered were calculated to instil 
the rankest principles of resistance 
and rebellion to the established 
powers. _ In order to obviate this 
effectually, the act against disorderly 
houses should be applied to meetings 
of this kind, whenever ‘ they ex- 
ceeded, by a number to be stated 
[C 3} in 
