36] 
of the people? was it presumable 
that such persons would permit a 
petition, militating against any mi- 
nisterial measure, to be brought for- 
ward in a popular meeting? but 
whatever the favours of absolute 
powers might advance in support 
of such a bill, it tok away at once 
the right inherent in the people to 
resist a tyrannical government. The 
public meetings had been charged 
with speaking bold language; but 
there were occasions that warranted 
the boldest language. ‘The people 
of England bad inalienably the right 
to defend their liberties to the last 
extremity: such were the senti- 
ments of the great lord Chatham, 
and such were his own. In no situa- 
tion would he desert that cause, 
and was determined never to die a 
slave. It was, in the mean time, 
with the beaviest concern, that he 
observed a circumstance pregnant 
with much calamity: this was the 
estrangement of the higher classes 
from the lower: this had been the 
radical cause of the evils that had 
befallen France. Previously to the 
revolution there were but two 
orders of society in that country, a 
haughty and domineering nobility,. 
anda wretched oppressed multitude. 
Hence arose the resentments of 
the lower classes, who beheld them- 
selves tyrannised over by a profligate 
court and government, to which, 
for that reason, they did not con- 
ceive themselves bound to submit. 
Arguing from this weighty prece- 
dent, Mr. Erskine warned the pos- 
sessorsof power, and the owners of 
great property in tais country, to be- 
ware of the fatal exampies before 
them, and not to abet a law by 
which the people’s liberties must 
necessarily be abrogated, and a spirit 
of revenge excited in them which 
would inevitably break forth soon 
ANNUAL REGISTER, 
1796. 
or late. Compulsion and the dread 
of force might induce them to sub- 
mit awhile to their oppressors 5 but 
it would bea sullen submission, and 
though it might even last a few 
years, the remembrance of liberty 
would still survive, and prompt 
them, in an evil hour for the de- 
stroyers of their freedom, to resume 
itonsome auspicious opportunity, 
and to take the most signal ven- 
geance upon its enemies. In cor- 
roboration of his sentiments, Mr. 
Erskine referred to the speech. of 
the chief justice, at the late trials 
for high treason at the Old Bailey. 
“ Among the objects of the attention 
of freemen, said the chief justice, 
the principles of government, the 
constitutions of particalar governe 
ments, and, above all, the constitu- 
tion of the government under which 
they live, will naturally engage their 
attention, and provoke speculation, 
The power of communication of — 
thoughts and opinions is the gift of 
God, and the freedom of it is the 
source of all science, the first fruit 
and the ultimate happinesss of so- 
ciety ; and therefore it seems to fol- 
low, that haman laws ought not to 
interpose, nay, Cannot interpose, to 
prevent the communication of senti- 
ments and opinions in voluntary as« 
semblies of men.” So dangerously 
was the bill framed, that it was in 
the power of any one individual pre- | 
sent at a meeting to occasion its dis-_ 
solution, by speaking a few seditious 
words, that would instantly authorise” 
the presiding magistrate to put an 
end to it on that pretence ; but was 
it not clear that, fora paltry grati- 
fication, a hireling might be found 
to afford this pretence to a ministee | 
rial justice for executing the man- 
dates of his employer? It was false 
that no law existed to prevent se« 
ditions proceedings : 
