>ACCOUNT OF BOOKS. 
whatever form it may present it- 
Self. _ Let such persons open it, 
in the full certuinty -of mecting 
with principles, we will not’ say 
in all cases irrefragably just, bat in 
general irresistibly true. They 
may be sure of finding calm discus- 
sion, and a fair appeal to their 
understanding. They will find 
the author thé steady friend of ra. 
tional liberty, and the determired 
enemy of despotism, whether aris. 
ing from the cold blooded tyranny 
of an individual, or from general 
confusion and anarchy. They will 
see’ that Mr. M. combats many 
opinions which are at present ex- 
tremely’ popular, not because they 
are entertained by a great part of 
the people, but because they are 
calculated, in his opinion, to injure 
the public, and to endanger the 
throne of liberty. There are many 
sints in it on which we diffir 
widely from Mr. M.: but what 
work of equal extent, particularly 
in the present ferment, could be 
producyd, that must command the 
acquiescence of mankind in ail its 
dottrines? His conceptions, in- 
deed, are generally just, and his 
arguments powerful ; his know- 
edge of human nature is profound ; 
-his acquaintance with the history 
of ancient and modern times is €x? 
tensive and correét ; and his pow- 
ers of reasoning are to beisurpassed 
ouly by his moderation: and tem- 
per:—which failed but once (we 
believe) in the course of 513 pages, 
and that was when speaking of 
‘Thomas Paine.->  - : 
Having thus charaéterized the 
publication before us, we will now 
proceed to give a summary of its 
‘conterts. It is divided into two 
books, the former subdivided into 
eight, the latter into ten chapters. 
(517 
The author sets out with a quo- 
tation from Mr. Burke’s celebrated 
Refle&tions on the French revolu- 
tion;’** that circumstances alone 
render’ every political principle 
beneficial or obnoxious ;’” and he 
strongly controverts the truth of 
it, omat least Shews that ir might 
lead to error from the ambiguity 
of the term ‘ political.’’ Politics, 
he observes, is a word that serves 
to express both the whole science 
of government, and the art’ and 
practice of administering. public 
affairs. It ought, therefore, to be 
ascertained in which sense it. is 
used. Legislation he employs as 
a more proper, because an ‘unam- 
biguous term, for expressing the 
former. He says it may be-re- 
solved into principles that are inva- 
riable; and that the mode only-of 
applying them depends on the cir- 
cumstances of the moment. The 
doétrine of expediency, he admits> 
muy be useful to a statesman ac- 
tually engaged in the government 
of a~particular nation: but even 
with him the author would have it 
@perate only n-gatively. 
© Circemstaices (says he) may 
render pernicious a measure: ab- 
straétedly good, but no -¢trcum- 
stances can render permanently be- 
neficial a measure abstractedly bad. 
A virtuous and intelligent states? 
man is influenced by expediency no 
further, than if o’casion requires 
to desist from action, Unlike the 
mariner who is ignorant oftnaviga. 
tion, and ‘who therefore, for the 
sake’ of iminediate ease’ and safety, 
from whatever: point the wind may 
blow,’ steers his ship right before 
it: he proceeds in spite of adverse 
Winds, by- an oblique -cousse, to 
his destined port, or at the worst 
casts anchor. For from that ex- 
9p Pp ee tremity 
