HISTORY OF EUROPE. [29 



" It is we who ought to begin 

 the work, we who ought to pro- 

 pose remedies against that general 

 dissolution which threatens us. The 

 people and the army regard us. 

 Shall we fear to heal the wound ? 

 Shall we, by a degree of base 

 cowardice, cliange the public spirit 

 into indignation .^ 



" Dragged onward by tlie torrent 

 of opinion, a few members of the 

 directory have laid down their au- 

 thority, others have imitated them, 

 persuaded that the cause of all our 

 misfortunes is in the bad organiza- 

 tion of the politic system. There 

 is no longer an executive directory ; 

 experience, like reason, proves that 

 the present organization of the 

 constitution is as vicious as its basis 

 is august. This incoherent organi- 

 zation renders political convulsions 

 necessary every yeai", and it is only 

 to prevent the repetition of political 

 convulsions that the people form 

 constitutions. 



" The whole national sentiment 

 attributes all the misfortunes of the 

 country to our vices. Placed in 

 our present position, protected from 

 factions, we have no excuse if we 

 do not act ri<iht ; if we forget that 

 the safety of the people is the su- 

 preme law ; if wc do not render a 

 prompt support to tlie edifice which 

 is crumbling to dust, we shall de- 

 serve the just execration of the 

 present and all future ages. 



" There are constitutional prin- 

 ciples existing : but there no longer 

 exists a constitutional organization, 

 lor that which did exist was daily 

 violated by parties. But the best 

 informed and most impatient peo- 

 j)le on earth, arc not to be imposed 

 upon. ])o you tliink they arc not 

 sensible tliat this organization is no 

 assurance for llieir risrlits, .so lonir 



O ' CD 



promised, and of which so many 

 hands have obliterated its scarce 

 finished pages ; and that it is only 

 an offensive or defensive weapon in 

 the hands of the factions, who by 

 turns prevail ? If it is true, that 

 none of our rights are guaranteed 

 by it, ought we to delay modifying 

 it .f" If we do delay, shall we not 

 have reason to expect that the 

 promoters of the dangers of the 

 country will revive their attempts 

 the first opportunity that offers ? 



" Such is the question which I 

 address to each of my colleagues. 

 Let us meditate and determine 

 upon the principles of that liberty 

 which actuates our souls as to the 

 situation of the country. This 

 ancient palace of kings, where wc 

 are now sitting, on this solemn 

 night, attests that power is nothing 

 and that glory is every thing. If 

 we are now unworthy to be reckon- 

 ed the first nation on earth : if from 

 pusillanimous considerations we do 

 not alter the situation in which we 

 are placed ; if we deceive our hopes, 

 wc shall from this day lose our 

 glory, and we cannot long preserve 

 our power; when the measure 

 of the evil is completed, and the 

 indignation of the people reaches 

 us. 



" I have flattered myself, repre- 

 sentatives of the people, that I 

 might hold this language. On your 

 deliberations depend the public 

 property and peace. You ought to 

 forget all factious connections, and 

 to think only of the happiness of 

 the French nation, with which you 

 are entrusted. I read in your pro- 

 found meditations, the ideas I have 

 just uttered. I demand that there 

 1)0 appointed a special committee of 

 nine members, charged to lay be- 

 fore you its opinion as to your 



