56] 



ANNUAL REGISTER, 1800. 



the tribunal, in the council of five 

 hundred, and gone through some 

 parts of his plan, there was a gene- 

 ral cry of a has chimeres vielaphy- 

 siques* and tiie abbe was obliged 

 to descend from his station without 

 a complete hearing. In the abbe's 

 constitution^the supreme magistracy 

 was to be invested in a grand elec- 

 tor, who was to have under him 

 two consuls : one for external, and 

 the other for internal affairs, hold- 

 ing their places at the will of the 

 grand elector, and also a conserva- 

 tory jury for life, which was to 

 name, from popular lists, the legis- 

 lative bodies, and which was also 

 to have a power of revoking, or ab- 

 sorbing, such citizens as, from ta- 

 lents and ambition, should acquire 

 undue influence in the state. It 

 was of little consequence whether 

 the chief magistrate should be called 

 first consul or grand elector: but the 

 last question of absorption, as it was 

 called, was of real importance to 

 a man who was conscious of pos- 

 sessing a great ascendancy in the 

 state, and, not improbably, had it at 

 heart, above all other things, to 

 maintain it. Sieyes and Buona- 

 parte, however, were obstinately 

 divided in both these points. The 

 genius of Buonaparte, as usual, pre- 

 vailed, and the title of grand elec- 

 tor was rejected, as well as the sys- 

 tem of absorption ; not, however, 

 without a softening boon to the 

 abbe, as will by and by be related. 

 The new constitution was read 

 before the three consuls, and gave 

 rise to a discussion which lasted till 

 very late in the night. It was also 

 discussed, at different meetings of 

 the two commissions, where it 

 met with veiy little opposition. As 



a summary of the best arguments in 

 its defence, we shall lay before our 

 readei's tlie speech of Cabanis in 

 the commission of the council of 

 five hundred on the sixteenth of 

 December. 



Cabanis, after considering the 

 origin of society, examined in what 

 manner the different governments, 

 known to us, derived their origin. 

 He reviewed the advantages and 

 disadvantages of monarchy, aristo- 

 cracy, and democracy. He shewed 

 that the representative system must 

 embrace every thing good in these 

 different forms of social establish- 

 ments ; and he concluded that, in 

 the present state of circumstances 

 and of opinion, that system is the 

 only one which can both secure 

 public liberty, give sufficient force 

 to government, and maintain peace 

 with solidity. 



" The great advantage of that 

 form of government," said he, " is 

 that the people, without exercising 

 any public function, can, neverthe- 

 less, point out for every situation of 

 trust and dignity, the men who en- 

 joy their confidence. Let not the 

 people make laws — let them not 

 exercise the duties of administra- 

 tion — let them not possess the power 

 of judging ; but let their legislators, 

 their executive magistrates, and 

 their judges be always chosen from 

 the number of persons whom they 

 shall point out for such stations. 



" But if the people are not calcu- 

 lated to exercise by themselves 

 public functions ; they, neverthe- 

 less, are qualified to appreciate the 

 merits of those who are best suited 

 to public situations. They ought 

 not, therefore, directly to make any 

 choice. The electoral bodies, then 



• Down with all metaphysical chimeras. 



