HISTORY OF EUROPE. [63 



distraction which accompanied, or 

 flowed from the preceding revolu- 

 tions. There is nothing of human 

 contrivance that is perfect. Free 

 governments tend to one great evil, 

 and arbitrary governments to ano- 

 ther. The great evil incident to 

 a democratical government, is tur- 

 bulence, endless innovation, and 

 civil convulsions. The great evil 

 incident to arbitrary governments 

 is of an opposite nature. It is mo- 

 notonous and sad, but constant, 

 stable, and permanent. Whatever 

 evils might arise out of the new 

 government, still fluctuation and in- 

 stability would be none of them. 

 As the evils of democracy were 

 felt so severely, it was natural, and 

 by no means improper to have re- 

 course to the only remedy which 

 was to be found : and if bad con- 

 sequences, from adopting that re- 

 medy, should arise hereafter, none 

 could arise worse than what the 

 French people had suftered since 

 1 789 : and even a respite from suf- 

 fering, for a time, was not a thing 

 to be despised. There was every 

 reason to liope that Buonaparte 

 would mingle his power with mode- 

 ration, benignity, and all the arts 

 of a humane and generous policy. 

 After so liberal a share of power 

 as was necessarily vested, for the 

 strength and stability of the govern- 

 ment, in the hands of the lirst con- 

 sul, it could not be expected that 

 any considerable participation in 

 political privileges could remain to 

 Frencli citizens at large, or the 

 great body of tlie people ; yet, in 

 truth, the political situaticm of that 

 numerous body was greatly im- 

 proved in comparison of what it 

 had been under the nionarcliy. As, 

 on tlie one hand it was necessary to 

 be a Frendi citizen in order to hold 

 any office, liigli or Jow, in the state ; 



so, on the other hand, there was 

 not any citizen so humble in fortune 

 as to be excluded from a possibility 

 and chance of rising by merit to the 

 most honourable and important sta- 

 tions, or even from the actual ex- 

 ercise of some small degree of po- 

 litical power." 



Whatever may be thought of the 

 political expediency of framing so 

 unlimited a government, certain it 

 is, that the name of a ling or em- 

 peror alone was wanting to Buona- 

 parte. With a senate appointed by 

 himself, and recruited from year to 

 year by his sole Influence ; the no- 

 mination to all offices, civil, poli- 

 tical, military, and naval ; the com- 

 mand and distribution of tlie whole 

 military and naval force of the em- 

 pire ; the power of foreign nego- 

 ciation on peace, war, and com- 

 merce ; a complete though indirect 

 control over the treasury ; the sole 

 privilege of proposing laws, and 

 withdrawing them in any stage of 

 deliberation and discussion ; — with 

 all these and other means of influ- 

 ence iuul command, possessed by the 

 first consul, he held In his hand as 

 strong, and perhaps from the shew 

 of liberty, even stronger reins of 

 go vernment than any A siatic despot. 

 The former constitutions, framed 

 since 1780, resembled a stage-coach, 

 crowded with passengers on the top 

 and box, and holding in their hands 

 both the whip and the reins. They 

 were top-heavy and could not but 

 be overturned ; they were inverted 

 pyramids trembling on their sum- 

 mits. The new constitution bore a 

 resemblance to a pyramid resting 

 on its base, and culminating into 

 a proper apex. It would certainly 

 be difficult to overset this pyramid 

 by external impulsion. Whether It 

 may not be torn in pieces by tlie 

 internal powder of passion, remains 



