80] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1800. 



to the treaty of Campo Formio ? 

 When official intelligence of that 

 transaction was sent by him to the 

 directory, Monge speaking in his 

 name, and delivering his act, his 

 acknowledged instrument and con- 

 fidential agent, declared, that the 

 French republic and England could 

 not exist together. So tha.t, if he 

 even were allowed to have an evi- 

 dent interest in promoting peace, 

 would not their lordships be per- 

 fectly justified in pausing and re- 

 flecting on what degree of faith 

 should be given to the interest and 

 power of such an individual ? 

 They had been lately told, by the 

 present government of France, 

 that there existed no security, no 

 guarantee for the preservation of 

 peace in the republic from 1793, 

 to November 1 799. So much did 

 the actors in the last revolution 

 believe the statement of Boulay de 

 la Meurthe,* that they founded 

 their claims to the approbation and 

 assent of the people of France on 

 the declaration that their govern- 

 ment was founded on a just view 

 of those vices and defects, which 

 were to stop the revolutions of the 

 republican order. What other 

 course then would wisdom bid 

 Great Britain adopt, but await 

 the event of things, to await the 

 result of future experience, and not 

 to enter on negociation at a time 

 when no advantage could be fairly 

 expected from it ? If they abandon- 

 ed the manly and energetic conduct 

 which had hitherto distinguished 

 their proceedings, they would de- 

 scend from a station which they 

 had filled with so much honour to 

 themselves, and advantage to their 

 country. On these grounds he 

 moved, "That a humble address 



be presented to his majesty, thank- 

 ing him for his gracious message, 

 and expressing the concurrence of 

 that House, in the sentiments 

 which it contained." 



The duke of Bedford rose to give 

 the address his decided negative. 

 The noble secretary had attempted 

 to defend the conduct of his ma- 

 jesty's ministers in refusing to 

 accede to overtures for peace, 

 from the impossibility of any go- 

 vernment that France had, since 

 the revolution, aiFording a sufficient 

 guarantee for the success of any 

 negociations that might be entered 

 into. But all the objections now 

 advanced to preclude negociation 

 might have been urged when the 

 negociations were opened at Lisle. 

 This argument the duke placed in 

 various points of view, and urged 

 it with much ability. — It was clear 

 that the wild scheme of restoring 

 the French monarchy was the 

 si7ie qua non, if not of peace, at 

 least of negociation. What hopes 

 there were of such an event ever 

 taking place by the exertions of 

 this country, he would leave their 

 lordships to determine : but of 

 this fact he was certain, that in 

 proportion as this country op- 

 pressed France, in the same pro- 

 portion did its government become 

 violent. When a country was kept 

 in a state of warfare, it was always 

 able to adopt and carry on more 

 violent measures than in times of 

 peace. — If the restoration of the 

 monarchy were not the object of 

 ministers, what was it ? Were they 

 contending for a more favourable 

 opportunity of entering on nego- 

 ciation .'' How, if that was the case, 

 was a more favourable opportunity 

 to be attained } Was it by railing at 



See hisspeech in the committee of elders, in chap. III. page 32. 



I 



