HISTORY OF EUROPE. 



[87 



tibn his majesty's message, was mo- 

 ved, in the house of commons, by 



Mr. Dundas, who, in considering 

 the question before the house, called 

 their attention to the leading princi- 

 ples of the French revolution, what- 

 €verformitmightassume. Hestated 

 it as an undeniable fact, that the 

 leading feature of the French revo- 

 lution was atotal disregard to alltrea- 

 ties and obligations, and a sovereign 

 contempt for the rights and privi- 

 leges of other powers. " If," said Mr. 

 Dundas, " it were necessary to ad- 

 duce a proof, I should refer merely 

 to one transaction. Has there been, 

 I ask, any attempt to palliate the 

 French decree of the nineteenth of 

 November ? a decree constituting 

 it a part of their bounden duty to 

 excite insurrection and sedition in 

 other states, for the purtwse of 

 overthrowing their existing govern- 

 ments. I contend, that this pro- 

 clamation contains the code of the 

 revolution, and that its spirit never 

 has been departed from in a single 

 instance ; and I also contend, from 

 its obvious overture, that there is 

 no person present who would at- 

 tempt to justify the publication of 

 that decree. I do not,as I have already 

 stated, intend to detail the various 

 enormities and offences that have 

 occurred since the French revolu- 

 tion ; but it is necessary to consider 

 and weigh with due attention how 

 far France has observed its faith 

 with foreign nations, and whether 

 it hasconstantly manifested a peace- 

 able disposition. Sir, I know per- 

 fectly well, and have no hesitation 

 to confess, that the French revolu- 

 tion professed its object to be purely 

 pacific, and at an early period pro- 

 claimed such to be its intention. I 

 admit a proclamation to that eflect, 

 ihorlly after the revolution ; but it 



is necessary to recollect whether 

 this that was proposed, was its real 

 genius and character; and a sin- 

 gular thing it is, truly, that in the 

 interval between the date of that 

 proclamation and the present mo- 

 ment, there is scarcely a nation that 

 has not been either at war with 

 France, or on the eve of being so ; 

 not from any ambition or want of 

 faith on their part, but in conse- 

 quence of the open violation of sub- 

 sisting treaties, and direct aggression 

 by the French republic. In proof 

 of this assertion, I beg leave merely 

 to recite the names of tlie different 

 nations with which it has been at 

 war within that time ; Spain, Na- 

 ples, Sardinia, Tuscany, Genoa, 

 Geneva, Modena, Venice, Austria, 

 Russia, England, Egypt, (a laugh), 

 aye, and even that creature of its 

 creation, the Cisalpine republic ; 

 so that Denmark and Sweden are 

 the only two kingdoms that have 

 not been in actual and avowed 

 hostility with it; and even they 

 have suffered injuries scarcely infe- 

 rior to what it has inflicted upon 

 the nations with whom it was en- 

 gaged in open war. This short 

 statement shallat present suffice me ; ' 

 and I shallonly ob«erve,that France, 

 which set out with such pacific in- 

 tentions, has, some how or other, not 

 been able to escape from being con- 

 stantly involved in war. Sii", is it 

 nothing that this should arise (not 

 from accident, or any fortuitous 

 combination of circumstances, but) 

 from the inherent principles of the 

 revolution ; and that, from a strict 

 adliercncc to them, ncgociation has 

 been ineftcctually tried ; or, in case 

 of its success, grossly violated by 

 France, with respect to the nations 

 witli which she was at war ; and 

 that iu the case of the two countries 



