98] ANNUAL REGISTER, 1800. 



incur the risk which would result 

 from a farther prolongation of the 

 contest. Having described the ex- 

 cesses and outrages, with the princi- 

 ple from which they flowed, in the 

 different stages of the French re- 

 volution, and endeavoured to esta- 

 blish the proposition, that theFrench 

 revolution had been such as to af- 

 ford to foreign powers no adequate 

 ground for security in negociation, 

 he came next to shew that that se- 

 curity liad not yet been afforded by 

 the change which had lately taken 

 place: that we could not derive 

 any confidence either from the frame 

 of the government, or the past cha- 

 racter and conduct of the person 

 who was now the absolute ruler of 

 France. The name of Buonaparte 

 would be recorded with the horrors 

 committed in Italy, in the memo- 

 rable campaign of 1796 and 1797, 

 in the Milanese, in Genoa, in Tlis- 

 cany, in Modena, in Rome, and in 

 Venice. 



Mr. Pitt having considered, lastly, 

 whether there was any thing in the 

 circumstances of the presen t moment 

 that could justify the acceptation of 

 a security confessedly inadequate, 

 against so great a danger as was 

 threatened by France, concluded, 

 not that we were entitled to con- 

 sider ourselves certain of ultimate 

 success in the war; but that, con- 

 sidering the value of the object 

 for which we were contending, the 

 means for supporting the contest, 

 and the probable course of human 

 events, we should be inexcus- 

 able if, at this moment, we were 

 to relinquish the struggle on any 

 grounds short of complete secu- 

 rity. 



Mr. Fox concluded a long, ani- 

 mated, and masterly speech, with 



the following peroration : " Sir, 

 I think you ought to have given a 

 civil, clear, and explicit answer to 

 the overture which was fairly and 

 handsomely made to you. If you 

 were desirous that the negociation 

 should have includedallyour allies, 

 as the means of bringing about a 

 general peace, you. should have 

 told Buonaparte so : but I believe 

 you were afraid of his agreeing to 

 the proposal: you took that method 

 before. Aye, but you say, the peo- 

 ple were anxious for peace in 1797. 

 I say, they are friends to peace, 

 and I am confident you will one 

 day own it. Believe me, they are 

 friends to peace ; although, by the 

 laws you have made, restraining the 

 expression of the sense of the peo- 

 ple, public opinion cannot now be 

 heard as loudly and unequivocally 

 as heretofore. But I will not go 

 into the internal state of the coun- 

 try. It is too afflicting to the heart 

 to see the strides which have been 

 made, by means of, and under the 

 miserable pretext of this, against 

 liberty of every kind; both of 

 power of speech and of writing: 

 and to observe, in another kingdom, 

 the rapid approaches to that mili- 

 tary despotism which we affect to 

 make an argument against peace. 

 I know, sir, that public opinion, if 

 it could be collected, would be as 

 much for peace now, as in 1797 '■ 

 and I know that it is only by pub- 

 lic opinion, not by a sense of duty, 

 not by the inclination of their 

 minds,that ministers will be brought, 

 if ever, to give us peace. I ask 

 for no gentleman's vote who would 

 have reprobated the compliance of 

 ministers with the proposition of 

 the French government; I ask for 

 no gentleman's support, to nighty 



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